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ГУЛаг Палестины
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of Freedom."

Another thought that occurs is that if all it takes is no more than one Nazi per ten thousand

people in a group to condemn the whole group as Nazi, then what group is safe? Take the Jews:

they had their kapos (Jewish Nazi police), their Judenrat (Council of Elders administering Nazi

policies), their Jewish collaborators and informers. Mr. Safer made much of Ukrainian auxiliary

police helping the Germans, but did not seem to be aware that under threat of immediate death,

collaboration was forthcoming from more than one direction:

The Judische Ordnungsdienst, as the Jewish police in the ghettos were called,

furnished thousands of men for seizure operations. In the Warsaw ghetto alone

the Jewish police numbered approximately 2500; in Lodz they were about 1200 men

strong; the Lvov ghetto had an Ordnungsdienst of 500 men; and so on. (Raul

Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, 1961, p. 310)

Given such large numbers of Jewish police as those mentioned above, then for every story of

Ukrainian police auxiliary coming to arrest a Jew on behalf of the Nazis, would it be hard to

find a story of Jewish police auxiliary coming to do exactly the same? In the game of saving

one's life by serving a ruthless master with enthusiasm, were there not a few Jews who also

excelled?

But to point out that Jews also provided manpower for Nazi police actions may be to understate

the case. In fact, it is possible to entertain the notion that wherever feasible, anti-Jewish

police actions fell within the exclusive jurisdiction of the Jewish kapos:

The Satanic plan of the Nazis assured that the personal fate of each Jew

whether for life or death – be exclusively left up to the decisions of the

"councils of elders" [Judenrat]. The Nazis, from time to time, decided upon a

general quota for the work of the camps and for extermination, but the

individual selection was left up to the "council of elders", with the

enforcement of kidnappings and arrests also placed in the hands of the Jewish

police (kapos). By this shrewd method, the Nazis were highly successful in

accomplishing mass murder and poisoning the atmosphere of the ghetto through

moral degeneration and corruption. (Reb Moshe Shonfeld, The Holocaust Victims

Accuse: Documents and Testimony on Jewish War Criminals, 1977, pp. 119-120,

emphasis added)

In his moving letter to the editor below, Israel Shahak underlines that almost all the

administrative tasks and policing required by the Nazis was placed in Jewish hands, that Jewish

collaborators were ubiquitous, and that it was Jewish collaborators who rendered the Jewish

Holocaust feasible and who stood as obstacles in the path of Jewish resistance:

Falsification of the Holocaust

Letter to the editor by Prof. Israel Shahak, published on 19 May 1989 in Kol Ha'ir,

Jerusalem.

Available online at:

http://www.kaiwan.com/codoh/newsdesk/890519.HTML

I disagree with the opinion of Haim Baram that the Israeli education system

has managed to instil a 'Holocaust awareness' in its pupils (Kol Ha'Ir

12.5.89). It's not an awareness of the Holocaust but rather the myth of the

Holocaust or even a falsification of the Holocaust (in the sense that 'a

half-truth is worse than a lie') which has been instilled here.

As one who himself lived through the Holocaust, first in Warsaw then in

Bergen-Belsen, I will give an immediate example of the total ignorance of daily

life during the Holocaust. In the Warsaw ghetto, even during the period of the

first massive extermination (June to October 1943), one saw almost no German

soldiers. Nearly all the work of administration, and later the work of

transporting hundreds of thousands of Jews to their deaths, was carried out by

Jewish collaborators. Before the outbreak of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising (the

planning of which only started after the extermination of the majority of Jews

in Warsaw), the Jewish underground killed, with perfect justification, every

Jewish collaborator they could find. If they had not done so the Uprising

could never have started. The majority of the population of the Ghetto hated

the collaborators far more than the German Nazis. Every Jewish child was

taught, and this saved the lives of some them "if you enter a square from which

there are three exits, one guarded by a German SS man, one by an Ukrainian and

one by a Jewish policeman, then you should first try to pass the German, and

then maybe the Ukrainian, but never the Jew".

One of my own strongest memories is that, when the Jewish underground

killed a despicable collaborator close to my home at the end of February 1943,

I danced and sang around the still bleeding corpse together with the other

children. I still do not regret this, quite the contrary.

It is clear that such events were not exclusive to the Jews, the entire

Nazi success in easy and continued rule over millions of people stemmed from

the subtle and diabolical use of collaborators, who did most of the dirty work

for them. But does anybody now know about this? This, and not what is

'instilled' was the reality. Of the Yad Vashem (official state Holocaust

museum in Jerusalem – Ed.) theatre, I do not wish to speak at all. It, and its

vile exploiting, such as honouring South Africa collaborators with the Nazis

are truly beneath contempt.

Therefore, if we knew a little of the truth about the Holocaust, we would

at least understand (with or without agreeing) why the Palestinians are now

eliminating their collaborators. That is the only means they have if they wish

to continue to struggle against our limb-breaking regime.

Kind regards,

[Israel Shahak]

To bring closer to home and closer to the present day the inadvisability of attributing

collective guilt, we may note that more than one out of every hundred Americans is presently

sitting in jail, and yet we do not from this condemn Americans as a nation of criminals. And so

if we extract from this the conclusion that a participation rate as high as one out of every

hundred is insufficient to depict the entire population as participants, then Ukrainians should

be allowed a total of 360,000 criminal collaborators – a number never yet broached – without

Ukrainians being collectively condemned as Nazis.

The plea to avoid ascribing collective guilt is not new to Ukrainian-Jewish relations, and has

been put forward by both sides. It is time that the plea was heeded:

Even as we Jews justly disclaim responsibility for the acts of the Jewish

Bolshevist commissars and for the disgraceful actions of those Jews who

participated in the work of the Bolshevist chekas (Secret Police), the

Ukrainian people has a full right to disclaim any responsibility for those who

have besmirched themselves by pogrom activities. (Arnold Margolin, The Jews of

Eastern Europe, 1926, p. 124, in Andrew Gregorovich, Jews and Ukrainians, Forum

No. 91, Fall-Winter, 1994, p. 30)

Additional material on Jewish collaboration with the Nazis can be found in my discussion of the

Jewish Ghetto Police in my Letter 17 to Anne McLellan, Canada's Minister of Justice.

CONTENTS:

Preface

The Galicia Division

Quality of Translation

Ukrainian Homogeneity

Were Ukrainians Nazis?

Simon Wiesenthal

What Happened in Lviv?

Nazi Propaganda Film

Collective Guilt

Paralysis of the Comparative

Function

60 Minutes' Cheap Shots

Ukrainian Anti-Semitism

Jewish Ukrainophobia

Mailbag

A Sense of Responsibility

What 60 Minutes Should Do

PostScript

Paralysis of the Comparative Function

Positions taken by Morley Safer acquire meaning – can only be evaluated – following relevant

comparisons, but Mr. Safer fails to make these comparisons. For example, Ukrainian assistance

to Jews during the Jewish Holocaust acquires significance – indeed, may be thrown into a wholly

new light – when compared to Jewish assistance to Jews during the Jewish Holocaust, but Mr.

Safer does not make such a comparison. Ukrainian cruelty on behalf of the Nazis acquires

significance when compared to Jewish cruelty on behalf of the Nazis, but Mr. Safer does not make

this comparison. Ukrainians saving Jews (a possibility totally ignored by Mr. Safer) is given a

new significance when compared with Jews saving Ukrainians at times when such aid was possible

and of course Mr. Safer never reaches a point where he could make such a comparison.

Comparison 1: Ukrainians Helping Jews Compared to Jews Helping Jews

We have seen above that countless Ukrainians risked their lives and gave their lives to save

Jews. And what, let us now ask, were those who today level accusations of genetic anti-Semitism

against Ukrainians doing at the same time? What, for example, were American Jews doing? The

generous view is that they were doing little:

No American Jew appeared to have altered his life style once news of the

Holocaust was revealed. Even at the time, some observers were repelled by the

often festive atmosphere of Jewish social life in a period of wartime

prosperity. (Howard M. Sachar, A History of the Jews in America, 1992, p. 550)

Over the centuries the dispersion of the Jews had a functional utility:

whenever some part of the Jewish community was under attack, it depended on

help from the other Jews. In the period of the Nazi regime, this help did not

come. (Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, 1985, p. 1052)

This question has haunted me ever since the war: Why did the Jews of the free

world act as they did? Hadn't our people survived persecution and exile

throughout the centuries because of its spirit of solidarity? ... When one

community suffered, the others supported it, throughout the Diaspora. Why was

it different this time? (Elie Wiesel, Memoirs: All Rivers Run to the Sea,

1995, p. 63)

A less indulgent view, however, is that Jews not under Nazi occupation – particularly American

and British Jews – knowingly, willfully, calculatedly sacrificed their trapped European

coreligionists:

In his book, "In Days of Holocaust and Destruction," Yitzchak Greenbaum

writes, "when they asked me, couldn't you give money out of the United Jewish

Appeal funds for the rescue of Jews in Europe, I said, 'NO!' and I say again,

'NO!' ... one should resist this wave which pushes the Zionist activities to

secondary importance."

In January, 1943, the leadership of the absorption and enlisting fund

decided to bar all appeals on behalf of rescuing Jews. It is explicitly stated

in the "Sefer Hamagbis" (Book of Appeals) that the reasons for this prohibition

were because of other obligations in Eretz Yisroel.

In the beginning of February, 1943, Yitzchak Greenbaum addressed a meeting

in Tel Aviv on the subject, "the Diaspora and the Redemption," in which he

stated:

"For the rescue of the Jews in the Diaspora, we should consolidate our

excess strength and the surplus of powers that we have. When they come to us

with two plans – the rescue of the masses of Jews in Europe or the redemption

of the land [in Palestine] – I vote, without a second thought, for the

redemption of the land. The more said about the slaughter of our people, the

greater the minimization of our efforts to strengthen and promote the

Hebraization of the land. If there would be a possibility today of buying

packages of food [for Jews in Nazi captivity] with the money of the "Keren

Hayesod" (United Jewish Appeal) to send it through Lisbon, would we do such a

thing? No! And once again No!" (Reb Moshe Shonfeld, The Holocaust Victims

Accuse: Documents and Testimony on Jewish War Criminals, 1977, p. 26, emphasis

added)

Mr. Schwalb expressed the complete Zionist ideology and stated clearly and

openly the politics of the Zionist leaders in the area of rescue: the shedding

of Jewish blood in the Diaspora is necessary in order for us to demand the

establishment of a "Jewish" state before a peace commission. Money will be

sent to save a group of "chalutzim" (pioneers), while the remainder of Czech

Jewry must resign itself to annihilation in the Auschwitz crematoria. (Reb

Moshe Shonfeld, The Holocaust Victims Accuse: Documents and Testimony on Jewish

War Criminals, 1977, p. 28, emphasis added)

We have previously quoted the words of Yitzchak Greenbaum, chairman of the

"rescue committee" of the Jewish Agency in Eretz Yosroel, who refused to

allocate even one dollar of United Jewish Appeal funds for food to those who

were fighting off the pangs of hunger. This approach was totally in consonance

with his famous slogan, to the effect that, "one goat in Eretz Yisroel is more

important than an entire community in the Diaspora." How could he thus

withhold a package of straw from a Holy Land goat in order to send food to a

starving infant? But if that is not enough, the Zionists acted like the fiend

who declared that he not only would not give, but he also would not let others

give (whom our Sages called a "rosho" – a wicked person). The Zionist leaders

weren't satisfied merely with the crime of sitting idly by and doing nothing.

They labored with all their might to forcefully prevent others from helping the

sufferers in the ghetto. (Reb Moshe Shonfeld, The Holocaust Victims Accuse:

Documents and Testimony on Jewish War Criminals, 1977, pp. 44-45)

One cow in Palestine is worth more than all the Jews in Poland. (Yitzchak

Greenbaum in Reb Moshe Shonfeld, The Holocaust Victims Accuse: Documents and

Testimony on Jewish War Criminals, 1977, p. 116)

The Antonescu Offer. Reb Moshe Shonfeld's book documents several instances of offers being

made, sometimes by the Nazis, to release Jews for a fixed price, and of the offers being

declined by Zionist leaders. The Romanian government, for example, offered 70,000 Jews at $50

apiece. These Jews could have been transported to Palestine via Turkey – a few days' ride by

truck. The Romanian offer was confirmed by the U.S. State Department. The offer would become

void once Romania was occupied by the Germans – an occupation that was imminent. Ben Hecht in

his book Perfidy relates placing the following ad in New York newspapers:

FOR SALE

70,000 JEWS

AT

$50 APIECE

GUARANTEED HUMAN BEINGS

Zionist leaders, however, denied the existence of such an offer and sabotaged fund-raising

efforts. As a result, the 70,000 Romanian Jews perished. Ben Hecht's indignation is

unrestrained:

But in 1943, we, who called out the plight of the Romanian Jews to the

world, were discredited by the Zionist unions, the established Zionist

leadership and their associated philanthropies, as scandalmongers. Our attempt

to get the Jews out of Romania before the Germans came was scotched.

The 70,000 Jews who might have been saved were herded into barns by the

Germanized Romanians under General Antonescu, hosed with gasoline, ignited, and

shot down when they came blazing and screaming out of their cauldrons.

Was it for this the conspirators of Silence had been holding their

high-level meetings, fraternizing with presidents and prime ministers and

keeping intact Weizmann's ... policy of an 'exclusive' ... Palestine? This

Silence, this wretched business of Jewish leaders lying about the slaughter of

Europe's Jewry – trying to hide it, soft-pedal it – for what?

These organizations, these philanthropists, these timorous Jewish lodge

members in Zion, in London and America – these Zionist leaders who let their

six million kinsmen burn, choke, hang, without protest, with indifference, and

even with a glint of anti-Semitic cunning in their political plannings – I sum

up against them. These factotums, these policy-makers, the custodians of the

Jewish future in Palestine ... these Zionist men and women – I haul into the

prisoner's dock of this book. (Ben Hecht, Perfidy, in Reb Moshe Shonfeld, The

Holocaust Victims Accuse: Documents and Testimony on Jewish War Criminals,

1977, p. 102)

The Eichmann Offer. The war afforded more than one opportunity to save Jews. Here is another

significant opportunity, the offer this time coming directly from Adolph Eichmann:

So I am ready to sell you – a million Jews. ... What do you want to save?

Virile men? Grown women? Old people? Children? Sit down – and talk. ...

Now I am going to prove to you that I trust you more than you trust me. When

you ... tell me that the offer has been accepted, I will [as an initial

demonstration of good faith, even before you make any payment] dissolve

Auschwitz and move 10 percent of the promised million to the border. You take

over the 100,000 Jews and deliver for them afterwards one thousand trucks. And

then the deal will proceed step by step. (Adolph Eichmann, quoted in Raul

Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, 1985, p. 1133-1134)

Eichmann's initiative, according to his testimony in Jerusalem, had been

influenced largely by the propensity of rival SS factions to negotiate with the

Jews. He was going to confine the offer to freeing 100,000 Jews, but then

thought that only a major gesture, involving a million, was going to have any

impact. When Himmler approved the scheme, Eichmann was actually surprised.

(Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, 1985, p. 1134)

However, Joel Brand, attempting to negotiate this exchange, met with no support, either from

representatives of the Allied nations, or from Jewish representatives. When he realized that

the offer would not be accepted, he burst out with:

Do you know what you are doing? That is simply murder! That is mass murder.

... [O]ur best people will be slaughtered! My wife! My mother! My children

will be first! (Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, 1985, p.

1137)

Among the objections was not that the deal would fail, but rather that it was undesirable that

the deal succeed:

"But Mr. Brand," the British host exclaimed, "what shall I do with those

million Jews? Where shall I put them?" (Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the

European Jews, 1985, P. 1140)

The plain fact was that there was no place on earth that would have been ready

to accept the Jews, not even this one million. (Adolph Eichmann in Raul

Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, 1985, p. 1140)

A similar comment was made with respect to the above-mentioned Antonescu Plan:

The British Foreign Office ... was concerned with the "difficulties of

disposing of any considerable number of Jews" in the event of their release

from Axis Europe. ... [W]ithin the Foreign Office there was fear of large-scale

success.... (Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, 1985, P.

1140)

And a similar reaction with respect to discussions concerning the rescue of Bulgarian Jews:

Hull raised the question of the 60 or 70 thousand Jews that are in Bulgaria and

are threatened with extermination unless we could get them out and, very

urgently, pressed Eden for an answer to the problem. Eden replied that the

whole problem of the Jews in Europe is very difficult and that we should move

very cautiously about offering to take all Jews out of a country like

Bulgaria. If we do that, then the Jews of the world will be wanting us to make

similar efforts in Poland and Germany. Hitler might well take us up on any

such offer and there simply are not enough ships and means of transportation in

the world to handle them. (Harry Hopkins in Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of

the European Jews, 1985, P. 1122)

The role played by Jews in the Allied indifference was, to repeat, one of support of inaction:

There is considerable difference of opinion among the Jewish people as to the

policies which should be pursued in rescuing and assisting these unfortunate

people, and no one course of action would be agreeable to all persons

interested in this problem. (American Secretary of State Hull in Raul Hilberg,

The Destruction of the European Jews, 1985, p. 1125)

The Rudolph Vrba Accusation. The reports above of American Jews and world Jews doing little to

save their coreligionists under Nazi occupation, or of even obstructing efforts to save them, or

reports of the Antonescu Offer, or of the Eichmann offer – these do not exhaust the accounts

leading to the conclusion that the Jewish role in saving Jewish lives during World War II fell

short of heroic, and perhaps was typically complicitous or collaborative, and sometimes even

becoming criminally so. Rather, other such accounts can be found, among them the one offered by

Dr. Rudolph Vrba in the Oshawa Times account below. Vrba's accusation standing by itself falls

short of totally convincing, and would need to be bolstered by substantive detail before it was

given full credit. Nevertheless, Vrba's accusation is reproduced below to demonstrate that the

accusations of Jewish non-assistance focus on many events in many parts of the world, and

because it heightens the probability that further investigation would credit some of these

accusations:

Jewish Council Blamed For Deaths of 400,000

FRANKFURT (AP) – A Canadian professor contends that 400,000 jews killed by

the Nazis at the Auschwitz extermination camp could have been saved had the

Budapest Jewish Council warned them in time instead of co-operating with the

Nazis.

Dr. Rudolph Vrba, 43, associate professor of pharmacology at the University

of British Columbia, in an interview gave an account of his escape from

Auschwitz and his efforts to warn the world of the fate threatening more than

1,000,000 Hungarian Jews.

Vrba testified last Friday at the trial here of two former SS (Elite Corps)

colonels charged with the mass murder of Hungarian jews during the war.

Vrba, a native of Czechoslovakia and a Jew by birth, said he was deported

to Maidanek concentration camp near Lublin, Poland, in June, 1942, and two

weeks later transferred to Auschwitz.

In the spring of 1944, he heard that 1,000,000 Hungarian Jews were to die

at the notorious camp and decided to flee and tell the world about the crime

that was going to be committed.

Together with another prisoner, he hid in early April, 1944, underneath a

pile of construction wood within the outer security zone of the camp which

usually was not closely guarded.

After spending three days in their hideout with hardly any food the two

family [sic] made their getaway and eventually crossed the Slovak border.

In Cadca, Slovakia, he informed the Jewish Council which in turn passed on

the information to the Bratislava and Budapest Jewish councils, Vrba said.

But, he said "The Budapest Jewish Council were co-operating with the Nazi

authorities who promised them that they would allow some 2,000 select Jews to

travel to Switzerland if they hid from the Jewish community the truth about

what was in store for them at Auschwitz."

Thus, he added, Hungarian Jews did not put up any resistance when they were

taken to the Auschwitz death camp, believing that they were merely being

"resettled."

Vrba continued that only after Swiss newspapers June 22, 1944, published

his story about the Hungarian Jews and copies of his report were sent to U.S.

President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Pope, protests from several

governments, including the U.S., British and Swedish governments, forced the

Hungarian head of government, Admiral Horthy, to stop the deporting of more

Jews from the country.

Vrba was born Walter Rosenberg but changed his name after escaping from

Auschwitz. (Oshawa Times, December 30, 1968)

Jewish help compared to Ukrainian help. And so here we are faced with the following

incongruity. Ukrainians were dying at the hands of the Nazis, were dying fighting the Nazis,

were dying saving Jews – and yet Morley Safer now brands Ukrainians as Nazis. In contrast,

American Jews were not allowing the Jewish Holocaust to interfere with their lifestyles, were

vetoing proposals to assist and rescue European Jews, and yet they are now privileged to accuse

Ukrainians of being Nazis. People who did next to nothing to save the European Jews, people who

obstructed the rescue of European Jews, people who acted while not under threat of death now

turn around and judge those who while under threat of death did not live up to impossibly high

moral standards.

Appropriately did Reb Moshe Shonfeld place on the title page of his book The Holocaust Victims

Accuse: Documents and Testimony on Jewish War Criminals the quotations "Our enemies will

subjugate you" (Vayikra) – "Those enemies will be from within" (Chazal). Reading Reb Shonfeld's

book invites the conclusion that Morley Safer's searching for Nazi collaborators in Ukraine was

misplaced – perhaps it is the case that the largest repository of unprosecuted Nazi

collaborators today is to be found in the state of Israel; and invites consideration of the

further conclusion that Morley Safer's searching for enemies of Judaism in Ukraine is similarly

misplaced – he might instead have looked for the truly dangerous enemies within – for Jews like

Simon Wiesenthal, Rabbi Yaakov Dov Bleich, Elie Wiesel, Jerzy Kosinski, and – yes – Morley Safer

himself. Their misstatements lower Jewish credibility; their hatred incites a reactionary

anti-Semitism.

In fact, Morley Safer's accusation of Ukrainian collaboration with the Nazis is not a cry for

justice nor an advancement of historical truth, but is, rather, a weapon sometimes brandished

under political motivation even when the facts do not justify its use, and at other times

sheathed, also for political reasons, even when the facts cry out for its use. Thus, a

Ukrainian may be prosecuted even though the evidence against him is patently fraudulent, as was

the case in the trial of Ivan Demjanjuk (Yoram Sheftel, The Demjanjuk Affair: The Rise and Fall

of a Show-Trial, 1994). A Jewish Zionist, in contrast, may go unprosecuted for very real

collaboration with the Nazis, though he may be unable to avoid final justice imposed through

individual action:

Moldetsky, a leader of the Zionist Workers Party (Poalei Zion), who was

appointed head of the council of elders in Bedzin, and who, over the course of

years, chose thousands of Jews for forced labor and extermination, succeeded in

remaining alive. For the mass deportations, Moldetsky published a decree which

was completely fraudulent and deceiving, in which he said: "Jews, dress up in

your holiday clothes and march joyfully to the gathering places mentioned

above. No one is to remain at home. ..." The Jews, in their innocence,

obeyed him. The result was that people with large families – as well as the

elderly – a total of 8,000, were sent to Auschwitz. The babies were pushed

into sacks by the Nazis.

...

After the war, Moldetsky – by merit of Zionist activities – was

understandably one of the first to receive an immigration certificate to

Palestine. His collaboration in the murder of tens of thousands of Jews did

not make him unfit in the eyes of the officials of the Jewish Agency, who were

distributing the certificates. He went to Eretz Yisroel where, it has been

reported, the revengeful hand of the Jews of Bedzin killed him while he was

taking a trip in the mountains. (Reb Moshe Shonfeld, The Holocaust Victims

Accuse: Documents and Testimony on Jewish War Criminals, 1977, pp. 122-123)

A related demonstration of how the accusation of Nazi collaboration is not levelled impartially,

but is used as a political weapon can be found in the case of Dr. Israel Kastner.

Comparison 2: Ukrainian Cruelty on Behalf of the Nazis Compared to Jewish Cruelty on Behalf of the

Nazis

Morley Safer states, addressing himself to Simon Wiesenthal: "I get the impression from people

that the actions of the Ukrainians, if anything, were worse than the Germans." What can Mr.

Safer possibly mean by such a statement? Does he mean that he knows of a Ukrainian whose

actions are worse than Hitler's, and another Ukrainian whose actions are worse than Himmler's,

and another whose actions are worse than Eichmann's, and so on down the line? Surely, this is

an impossibility, as Ukraine has never been accused either of starting the Second World War or

of engineering the Final Solution. Surely all that Mr. Safer means is that some Ukrainians can

be found who were worse than the average German, or the average Nazi, or even the average member

of the SS. Agreed – undoubtedly such Ukrainians exist, but what of it? Similar deviants exist

in all groups. Relevant here is that every faithful account of the Jewish Holocaust is peppered

with statements such as the following:

Question survivors of the ghettoes and camps. They all certify that the

beatings they received at the hands of the Jewish 'golden youth' were filled

with scorn. They fulfilled their tasks with a zeal and cruelty to a greater

extent than that required by the German commanders. (Y. Efroiken, Sanctity and

Valor of the Jews, in Reb Moshe Shonfeld, The Holocaust Victims Accuse:

Documents and Testimony on Jewish War Criminals, 1977, p. 21)

He [K. Tzetnik] depicts the figure of Eliezer Greenbaum, son of Yitzchak

Greenbaum, who, thanks to his tactics of acting as informant and displaying

cruelty – to an extent which amazed even the Germans – was elevated to the rank

of the bloc commander. (Reb Moshe Shonfeld, The Holocaust Victims Accuse:

Documents and Testimony on Jewish War Criminals, 1977, p. 21)

Practically all of the kapo officers were academicians – persons with degrees

who behaved like wild beasts and at times were more cruel than the Nazis. (Reb

Moshe Shonfeld, The Holocaust Victims Accuse: Documents and Testimony on Jewish

War Criminals, 1977, p. 121)

Is it in the interests of historical truth to allude to the Ukrainian beasts without mentioning

the Jewish beasts? Does the depiction of one without the other constitute information or

disinformation, reporting or propaganda? Who commands such bias in the media? Who pays for

it? These are issues worthy of address by a team of intrepid investigative reporters, should

any be found.

Comparison 3: Ukrainians Saving Jews Compared to Jews Saving Ukrainians

Jews have had many opportunities to save Ukrainians. For example, Jews could have saved

Ukrainians during the induced famine of 1932-33, during which Jews fared better than Ukrainians

for several reasons: (1) Jews tended to be urban whereas the famine tended to be rural; (2) Jews

were more affluent, and money buys food even during a famine; (3) Jews received support from


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