
Текст книги "ГУЛаг Палестины"
Автор книги: Лев Гунин
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Текущая страница: 40 (всего у книги 88 страниц)
of Finland to the local Jewish community. That gift was handed over through Iakov Gutman, an independent from Israelis leader of Minsk's Jews, to me. The sets were
given for free delivery. I wanted to deliver them directly from my home to the people in exchange of their signatures in confirmation that they got them free. But Rodov's
group forced me (and Iakov Gutman) to hand them over to the club, using dirty manipulations. Rodov and his group sold the sets as their private property. They openly
violated the criminal code not only by then. They also robbed our Jewish library 2 times, they threaten people by death, they corrupted local officials, and they
demanded money from people for information about Israel and for Israeli visas. They also demanded money for the "club needs", threatening people that – if they
would refuse, they would be punished in Israel. Israelis also paid them for their services. In ex-USSR, where an imported TV with video could be almost as valuable as
an apartment, they got expensive valuable things from Israelis as gifts. I suspect that they were paid by money, too. A special telephone number was given to Rodov,
which enabled him to call Israeli embassy in Moscow and to Israel for free (according to his own words, and I believe that it was true).
2.9. Rodov and co "punished" me in different ways. They spread discreditible rumors against me, they posed intrigues against me at my work, they threaten me, they
did so, that I was not invited any more to play in restaurants, on wedding parties, in dancing clubs, and so on, they tried to confront my wife with me. I am absolutely sure
that Rodov's actions against me were correlated with the persecutions, which I faced from the local authorities. In Minsk I used to visit Mr. Garik Chajtovich, – my friend
and a kind person. He was a Jewish activist and Hebrew teacher. Practically all the Israeli missioners have visited him. I met few high-ranked Israeli representatives
through Garik or in his place several times and spoke to them. I tried to convince them that they should stop supporting odious persons like Rodov and to stop
suppressing the development of Jewish cultural life in USSR. They usually answered that their priority is to convince people to leave for Israel, and they do not care
about anything else. But one time I got an unusual answer. The man who gave it to me was a very important person. I could admit how Garik respect and treat him.
Even Israelis who were with this man obeyed him. He told me that I have to stop talking about such things. He also told me that he has a pity to me because, according
to him, I would pay a high price for my "nihilism" and freethinking, my family, my relatives would suffer, and my life will become miserable...
2.10. Because with time people were convinced that Rodov is a crook, and were too angry on him, I, brothers Strupinsky, Marat Kurtzer and others took the power in our
own hands, discharging Rodov and his company. Only then I understood very soon that the problem was not in Rodov. Without him Israelis have found other ways to
achieve their goals. And very soon my position became as weak as before. Israelis also took revenge in Minsk, displacing Iakov Gutman, the main figure in
opposition to their policy in Belarus.
Now nothing might stop them from forcible (in the deeper sense) transportation of hundred of thousands Jews from Belarus to Israel.
2.11. From 1988 my brother's health became more and more bad. He has a blood cancer, but I was sure that his disease was caused because he was exposed to
radiation. During many month doctors Kustanovich (she died recently in USA from cancer), Cherny and Petrusha did not report Vitaly's bad blood tests. They also
accused him in simulating to "avoid military service" and threaten to kill him. Since he became sick I fought to get his true diagnose and to win an appropriate treatment
for him. In the end of 1987 we understood that for saving my brother's life we have to move to one of the West countries. I tried to get an immigration visa to US, but
America was "closed" very soon because of a treaty, which Israel demanded: about leaving the only one way for Soviet Jews – only to Israel. I also tried to get a visa
in the German embassy, but it was too late. Then we had to request a visa only from Israel. We did all necessary steps to obtain it, but we did not get any visas.
Hundreds of people whom I helped to get visas (I told them that I do not recommend them to go to Israel, but they kept asking me with passion, and I helped them) got
them, but not my brother and me. Even Genady Shulman, one from the Rodov's group, who was kind to us and arranged visas for thousands of people, could not
obtain visas for my brother, and me. I went to Moscow, to Israeli embassy, where they knew me very good as one of the activists and where I always had an access to,
and spoke to Ambassador Mr. Levin, but without any result.
In 1988 Israel have submitted special visas-invitations for Jewish activists for a free trip to Israel. In spite of my detestation of Rodov I phoned him in an attempt to save
my brother's life (because he composed a list of names for these invitations). "What did your brother did for the Jewish movement, for Zionism? – he asked. Avoiding
tensions I did not tell him that my brother did for Rodov more then he deserved and that my brother put his business under a risk organizing Jewish events when the
local authorities did not approve them. I only asked him about compassion. "There are more valuable things then human life, – he responded. Later I had a chance to
see what these things are. Nobody from Rodov's group went to Israel with that free invitation, only Rodov's father went to Israel because he did small speculation trade
under the table, and used that occasion as a shield...
In August, 1989 my brother, and me, we went to Poland, where a blood test, which was made to him, had shown strange processes in his organism. In September I
started a new Jewish magazine "Vos Herzach?" and participated in a current issue of "CONTACT." My brother Vitaly gave his cafй (he was the owner) again for the
Jewish club meeting. In September also came a telephone threat that my brother Vitaly would die. In January 1990 another person called and told the same.
2.12. When in 1989 first letters began to arrive from those who already settled in Israel, their relatives discovered that Russian speaking people are persecuted in
Israel, that Israelis hate us and treat us as second-class people, many of the Jews in Bobruysk cancelled their tickets and visas. It seemed to be a total disaster for
Israeli plan to capture half a million or more Soviet Jews. But they have found a solution very soon. Somebody began to spread rumors about possible pogroms.
Every day brought a "reliable" information that Jews are in danger. Jewish cemeteries were vandalized everywhere. By that time I was a member of a group that
investigated this wave of vandalism. Most active members in that group were Baltic Jews. A small Baptist team and NTS representatives also participated. We
discovered that vandalism started in west regions of USSR and moved chronologically from the Northwest to Southeast. Pogroms in Muslim region were not known. It
was absolutely clear that a team of "vandals" traveled by train from town to town, from city to city, starting from Riga. They had a steady pace, so, Soviet authorities (if
they would want to stop hooligans) could figure out very easy where should be their next stop and next pogrom – and catch them. But the authorities did not want to stop
them. Israelis also used different methods to calm down information about vandalism. I personally (as well as others) took the description of our conclusions about
vandalism to Israeli embassy, but they became furious and refused to send this information to Israeli press. I have submitted the description about vandalism against
Jewish cemeteries (without our conclusion) to Washington Post and Chicago Tribune correspondents in Moscow, as well as to Israeli newspapers (enclosing photos
of vandalized graves), but no newspaper outside USSR published this information. I was sure that Israelis used their influence to prevent newspapers from that
publication. I was even more convinced about Israeli involvement when such a pogrom happened in my native town. Graves that related to non pro-Israeli activists'
were mainly targeted, when pro-Israeli families' graves were not touched. My father's grave was vandalized, the monument was broken.
2.13. I informed US president's special representative, Mr. Nikolai Petro, that Israelis are using illegal methods to force people to leave USSR for Israel. I also
contacted several US diplomats including Mrs. Daria Arturovna Fein. I met Daria Arturovna at hotel "Ukraine" in Moscow. She took a look at the photos and asked if
they are not a fake. I told her that I could give her an original film from which the photos were made. And I gave the film to her. She held the film several minutes in her
hands. I saw that she is trembling. After some hesitation she gave the film and the photos back to me, refusing to admit them and giving no explanations. I told to
prominent personalities in Frankfurt, in Warsaw and in Paris about these acts of vandalism, but they could not organize even a single publication.
2.14. In January-February 1990 I came to Paris hoping to obtain a visa for my brother. I was warmly welcomed by all Jewish organizations in Paris and Lion, which I
visited, and also by Russian immigrants' organizations, including NTS. They gave me money, shelters, they bought me train tickets to Lion several times. My French
friends also helped me a lot. I could not tell Jews that I do not want go to Israel. They supported Israel's plan to get from half to one million people from USSR. To justify
my request for help in obtaining the French visa for my brother I told them that during almost 2 years we could not get an Israeli visa. After that some leaders of the
Jewish organizations in Paris, including M-me Helman from COJASOR, proposed me their mediation in my request for an Israeli visa. They told me that Jewish
communities in France have collected so much money for Israel, that Israelis must listen to them. M-me Helman and others arranged a meeting for me with Israelis in
Israeli embassy. A visa for me and for my brother had to be given for me there. I knew that local AVIR in Bobruysk could not accept a visa, which came not by mail, and
could not give us a permission to leave USSR. But I had no solution. When I came to Israeli embassy, which situated down the Le Sacrй Coeur de Monmartre, they did
not let me in. I called the doorbell, and also phoned them several times with no result.
2.15. My brother Vitaly tragically died in May 1990. Half a year after his death I discovered just occasionally that the Jewish community in Lion have collected money for
his treatment and have submitted a medical treatment visa for him. This visa was confiscated by the Soviet authorities.... After his death I did not need an Israeli visa
any more – because I never wanted to immigrate, and from 1987 I understood very well that my place is not in Israel. Before my brother's death we sold some of our
property and did other steps expecting a visa from Israel, but now we suspended all such steps.
2.16. One day – when Rodov already left for Israel – one former "Rodovetz" called my doorbell when my wife was at work. I opened the door, and then he told me that
he missed my door with somebody else's. In that very moment another person have approached. He asked, "is Gunin lives here?". I recognized him. Living near KGB
building I often saw him entering it. I also saw him at the Jewish club where he was with Mr. Sheremetiev, local UKGB chairman. Ilia Rodov has invited him by then to the
club to read a lecture. Later I saw this man (who came to visit me) with Rodov in Bobruysk as minimum two times. He started to speak to me without entering my
apartment. He told me that I have to quit USSR for Israel within two months. He said that this decision about me is non-reversible and can not be appealed. I was so
terrified that I could not speak. But I only asked him what about Israeli visa. "Visa budet"" ("visa will come"), he told in response. And he also told me that I should go
directly to Israel, without tricks. 2 days after visas started to arrive. All visas – a whole package, – which were suspended before, came in 2 envelopes (see
Supplements, Documents # 20, a,b,c,d,e, etc. – total number is 11).. Where these visas were and who kept them, I do not know, but it convinced me that the
situation is very serious, and I must go. When after two months we did not leave USSR yet, such terrible, even monstrous events occurred that I understood: I must go.
2.17. It did not mean that I agreed to go to Israel. I secretly asked my friends in Poland to meet me at the Central Railway Station in Warsaw. I had to try to visit foreign
embassies in Warsaw, and, if it could give nothing, then we had to go to Germany (my friends had to buy us tickets to Frankfurt). When our train came to Warsaw, and
my Polish friends already approached to the wagon, a group of unknown people surrounded and captured us. One of them, probably chairman, spoke Polish with a
Hebrew accent. It was a big man in his middle ages. Mostly he spoke to me, and also an aggressive woman.
They were ready to take us with them immediately by physical force, but only the presence of my Polish friends made them hesitating. I am sure that they started
negotiations with us only to win the time: they probably used it to find out through Mossad sources who are my friends and what they able to do. They probably also
wanted to find out what consequences Israelis would have in case of an eventual scandal, what tactics to use against us, and what their supervisors recommended.
They disagree immediately to let us go with my friends. Meanwhile my friends called 2 Polish policemen. I told the policemen that I do not want go to Israel, I asked for
their help. The policemen told me that if I was agree to obtain Israeli visa – then I probably must go to Israel. Then I shown them a temporary visa for staying in Poland 3
days, and told them that only after 3 days I might be expelled from Poland, and not by Israelis... The policemen then went to hear what Israelis could say them. I did not
hear what they discussed – because they moved farther from me (my family stayed with the Israelis as hostages while I spoke to policemen), but when they finished
talking, the policemen left. We were taken to a hotel, completely surrounded and guarded by Israelis, from where we could not escape, and then – to the airport.
So, my family, and me, we were taken to Israel by force, against our will, this was a captivity! Israel is not our country. Our native country is Belarus, and we still consider
ourselves as citizens of Belarus. We are not Israeli citizens because that citizenship was thrust on us.
NOTE: I could support this statement by my declarations, which I made, when I lived in ex-USSR and in Israel. You could see obviously that these declarations were
written many years ago or even make a criminological test to define their age. They are: 1) My declaration to the procuratories of the both districts of city Bobruysk
(Lenin and Pervomay), and to the General procuratory of Bobruysk, in which I tried to protest my ultimative deportation to Israel. (1990) 2) My declaration about Israel's
illegal activity in Belarus (1988-89). 3) My declaration to the Israeli authorities (1991-1994). Please, take it into considaration ! ! !
NEXT DOCUMENT: Document Number 3
PREVIOUS DOCUMENT: Document number 2
For Mr. Louis-Phillippe SIMARD, Manager, Post Determination Review
FROM Lev GUNIN
(FILE Number 2948-6524/ 95/76/23/18
ID: 3082-7125/7174/7220/7231/7317/)
DOCUMENT NUMBER 3
TRANSLATOR'S SABOTAGE
3.1.The very first time went to Mr. Le Brune's office when we were in a hotel for refugees (YMCA) yet.
3.2.We also came to Mrs. Broder's apartment to "complete the PIF" and to "compose the story" in November 1994.
3.3.I told Mrs. Broder that I have already composed my refugee claim. And gave her the text of my claim in Russian and in English. I refused
to cooperate with her in "composing the story." She was extremely persistent and ultimate, but also flexible and cunning in achieving her
goals. When she understood that she could not break my will not to participate in "composing the story," she told us to come later. Between
that and the next appointment my wife was worked upon by Lucy (our relative, whose negative attitude towards me in ex-USSR and in
Israel scared me a lot in the past) and by Mrs. Broder. They told her that all direct or indirect criticism of the state of Israel must be excluded
from my statement. They also told that I should not mention Israeli army, censorship in Israel, human rights violations, police brutality, and
provocation against me made by police; my tensions with Mossad and Shabak, or persecutions against me ordered by Israeli authorities.
The psychological pressure on my wife and on me was so strong that it could push us towards a suicide. We also met Mr. Le Brune in that
period of time, and he also suggested that our claim have to be based on everyday occurrences and social conflicts, but not on political
persecutions. When we met Mrs. Eleonora Broder next time I started to fight each sentence, but it was very complicated since my wife had
arguments with me taking Eleonora's side. But I want to make it clear: MY WIFE AND ME – WE NEVER AUTHORIZED MRS. BRODER
TO CHANGE OR MODIFY OUR REFUGEE CLAIM. We only agreed to allow some shortening.
3.4.Very soon Mrs. Broder called us and told us to sign her translation. I asked her to read us the context in Russian, but she refused
motivating her refusal by the lack of time. She also told us that only 5 more days are left (to complete the PIF and submit the claim; and that
the total number of days is 14), and if it would not be submitted, then a deportation order is going to be issued for us. (In reality 20 days or
even more are given, but we did not know about that). Then I told her that I could type my story with her shortenings just in 1 hour in English
myself – and give her or another translator to sign it (because I wanted to control its context, and I was not good enough in French by then).
She told me that in Quebec only French-written claims are accepted. Because of her threats and because my wife was near a hysterics I
was forced to sign it.
3.5.In December 1994 and January 1995 I gave a copy of Mrs. Broder's translation of my refugee claim to several people; they knew
French very well. Using their help I discovered that the context of our refugee claim was seriously distorted and sometimes even converted
by Mrs. Broder. Some details were given in such interpretation (translation) that they contradicted with other details. We also discovered
that the text of her French translation was different from her back translation into Russian made after my request and written by her own
hand. (I wanted to verify her translation). When Lucy's purposes of what she did to us might been explained by various reasons, the
purpose of Mrs. Broder might be only one: to sabotage the translation. I repeat that she distorted the translation not because of
incompetence or unconsciousness mistakes but on purpose. And I have good evidence: she excluded one paragraph from my story
without even discussing it with us. It was a description of humiliation over other Russian-speaking workers and me by employers-Israelis in
August 1991. Instead of typing this paragraph she made a statement in my name not just generalizing the situation, but placing an abstract
declaration about slavery in Israel. When I asked her later why she did it, she answered that immigration commissioners would never believe
that something like this exist in Israel. "They would call it "slavery" – and tell you that slavery doesn't exist in Israel. Why then she inserted
that pure statement about slavery in Israel in my name? If even a description of real events, which could be treated as a denunciation of
slavery is "bad", a pure statement about slavery (without any explanation) is "more worse" then?! I could only explain that by favor, which
Mrs. Broder did to the commissioners (immigration oficer in particular) – because they later used this exactly paragraph (in Mrs. Broder's
translation of my refugee claim) as a key indication of "exaggerations" and based their rejection of our refugee claim mostly on it. Mrs.
Broder also told me that she inserted this paragraph because I mentioned slavery in one of our conversations. I said that it does not mean
that I permitted to insert it.
3.6. I said that I do not remember if I really said that. In response Eleonora said that she secretly recorded all our conversations and now
could prove that I told it. She never agreed to correct her translation. She even threaten me by telling that she is going to present above
mentioned tapes to the immigration tribunal – and she claimed that I spoke enough on these tapes to make a conclusion that I am
dangerous to Israel and "was persecuted correctly".
3.7. The translation of our claim was also made in a sarcastic and humiliating manner as if the translator not just repeated the Russian text
in French, but wrote a humorist story about what was described. 3.8. Lucy constantly threatened us during my dispute with Eleonora, and I
think that her threats came as a reaction on my pretensions to Eleonora. She was threatening us from February till May 1995. She told that
she did a lot for us – but we are not thankful – and we are going to pay for it. She often told us with bravado that she knows everything about
us. She said that some people follow us, that my phone is bugged, and that my mails are searched. And she demonstrated her knowledge
about really discreet information, which should be known only to my lawyer. I asked my lawyer and demanded from Mrs. Broder not to make
publicly known information, which should be discreet, but Lucy demonstrated her access to everything, what took place in my lawyer's office
–from the dates of our appointments with him to the dates of our immigration hearings, and so on. She used to come to the immigration
tribunal each time when our hearings took place – and even appeared in the room where the hearing took place: each time without our
permission.
3.9. One time she told me with the same bravado (it was in February 1995) that a very partial committee is going to be assigned to my file.
She told me that an especially aggressive immigration officer would be called from Toronto "to calm" me down. She was right.
3.10. Later it came out that Mrs. Broder sabotaged not only our immigration claim, but also translations of the articles, of documents, in
other words – everything, what she has to translate. Her distortion of the my wife's birth certificate data enabled immigration officer to
excuse her report made to the Israeli embassy about us.
3.11. Not only Lucy was related to Israel, but also Mrs. E. Broder. Soon after we met she married a businessman from Israel, who
maintained all business contacts in Israel – according to his words. She was born in Odessa, but lived several years in Cuba: it is also an
information to reflect.
3.12. It is too painful for me to believe that my lawyer did not remove two above-mentioned paragraphs that Mrs. Broder inserted without
our permission because he acted on purpose. I still want to trust him, and I prefer to think that he was tired, and this was what caused his
mistake. When he was finishing to fix "mistakes", distortions and non-authorized "adjustments", which Mrs. Broder have did in her
"translation", it was late at night, and both him, and me, especially, my mother, were tired, and I did not check the translation properly. I also
trusted him, and this is why I signed the new version without a proper check. I also prefer to think that he did not let me verify translations of
all the documents in my file before the hearings (I asked him many times to give me documents of my file for a control) because he was
constantly busy, and could not prepare them to me. If he would give me that chance, I could discover before the hearings that Mrs. Broder
falsified the translation not only of our claim, but of all other documents as well (like my wife's certificate). I know that the immigration
committee, which gave no positive decision to "Russians" from Israel at all, would answer "no" even if there were no distortions in
translations at all.
3.13. Some sort of misunderstanding – I believe – happened between my lawyer and me, in result of which the most important remarks
about IRB's negative decision in our case were not submitted with the appeal. This is why I am asking you to take this submission in
consideration when decision in my appeal will be considered.
I submitt examples of Mrs. Broder's sabotage in Supplements, Documents # 92,93, 94, 95, 96, 97.
NEXT DOCUMENT: [[[GROUP OF DOCUMENTS NUMBER 4]]]
PREVIOUS DOCUMENT: [[[DOCUMENT 3 of DOCUMENTS]]]
GROUP OF DOCUMENTS NUMBER 4 APRIL-MAY 1997
DOCUMENT 1 (2-nd version)
(Was submitted to Amnesty International via E-MAIL)
MY COPY OF APPEAL TO AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
Why I appeal? 1) Because my complains, which I once submitted to Amnesty International from Israel, played if not the main, a very
important role during all the 3 immigration hearings in our case. 2) Because if not directly, then indirectly (from a particular point of view) IRB
members insinuated that I must be punished for my contacts with Amnesty International. 3) Because what happened during my
immigration hearing here in Montreal (Quebec, Canada) is so incredible and horrible that will encourage human right violations everywhere
on a wider scale. 4) Because in the former USSR as well as in Israel I was a human rights activist and was considered a human rights
activist by the people and press. 5) Because during the hearing the immigration officer falsified Amnesty International's (and other human
rights organizations') documents and lied about them. 6) Because if a family comes to a country (which accepts refugees in general) but
faces abuses, ungrounded accusations, threats, hatred and injustice within an immigration court room – that means a mayhem for the
human rights, placing the very basis of human rights in jeopardy. 7) Because I'm absolutely certain (and I have presented undeniable
evidences to the immigration board) that I'm going to be killed and the members of my family are going to be killed if we will be turned back
to Israel since I could suggest that something like a death penalty was considered there against me for my views.
Why I Appeal Before I Have The Immigration Board's Final Decision In My Case? 1) Because I have to dispute the very procedure of the
hearing in our case, which abused us and placed our lives under the definite danger. 2) Because I know of some examples when a final
negative decision was sent to refugee claimants together with a deportation order without the rights to appeal. 3) Because after what
happened during our immigration hearing I feel insecure even here. 4) Because it looks like they violated some legal and moral norms while
hearing our case not for giving us later a positive decision. 5) Because now, when the information about us was submitted by the
immigration officer to Israel there can be a wave of wider pressure from Israel to turn us back. I was actually expelled from the former
USSR, where I was persecuted for my artistic, philosophical, ideological and political views, where I was beaten, prevented from social and
professional success, watched and threatened. I was deported to Israel. When we moved away from the USSR we tried to escape to a
third country but were captured by Israelis and were taken to Israel by force.
We were systematically assaulted, beaten, disgraced, threatened, discriminated against (persecuted) in Israel. We were denied a
permission to leave the country, and could not go away for 3 1/2 years. We collected thousands of evidences in discrimination and
persecutions. Israeli state radio made a provocation, aiming to eliminate me, Israeli newspapers called to destroy all my works – but for this
immigration board it's still not "enough"...
*Why I Think My Human Rights Were Violated By the Court?
Inside The Courtroom: 1)Some of the main documentary proofs (statements, affidavits, letters, receipts, articles, etc.) have been
disappeared or were ignored as if they were (disappeared).See pages A-1, A-2, A-3, A-4, A-5. 1-a)Only my college diploma was mentioned
during immigration hearings, and the commissioners acted as if my university diploma does not exist. In reality I mentioned it during the
hearings and the copy of this diploma also was in my file. 2)Other extremely important documents were mentioned but were ignored (if not
they might be an obstacle to what the judges incriminated me). Pages B-1,B-2,B-3,B-4.B-5. 3) Other documents were mentioned as
incomplete proof of particular events, when in reality they were given to support other events. In the same time documents which relate to
these events were ignored. Pages C-1, C-2. 4) In the same way my words were ignored, too. For example, I was asked an insinuating
question. My answer closed that question by a clear and unbeatable contra-argument. So, what then? Then the same insinuation was
repeated – but this time in an affirmative form: As if I said nothing. The same question could be given 2, 3, 5 times non-stop. If I gave the
same answer again and again they shouted on me, used threats, aggression, incredible accusations to force me to change my answer. It's
clear that such a method violates moral and legal norms – and any hesitation by a refugee claimant under such an illegal psychological