Текст книги "The Crusades. The Authoritative History of the War for the Holy Land"

Автор книги: Thomas Asbridge

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Fulcher of Chartres, pp. 636–7; Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 162–3, 246. Zangi also agreed an ‘armistice’ with Frankish Antioch that apparently allowed hundreds of ‘Muslim merchants and men of Aleppo and traders’ to operate in the Latin principality. This trading pact held until 1138, when it was broken by Prince Raymond (perhaps because of the arrival of the Byzantine imperial army in northern Syria). On trade and commerce in the crusader states see: E. Ashtor, A Social and Economic History of the Near East in the Middle Ages (London, 1976); J. H. Pryor, Commerce, Shipping and Naval Warfare in the Medieval Mediterranean (London, 1987); D. Jacoby, ‘The Venetian privileges in the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem: Twelfth-and thirteenth-century interpretations and implementation’, Montjoie: Studies in Crusade History in Honour of Hans Eberhard Mayer, ed. B. Z. Kedar, J. S. C. Riley-Smith and R. Hiestand (Aldershot, 1997), pp. 155–75. For a selection of articles by the same author see: D. Jacoby, Studies on the Crusader States and on Venetian Expansion (London, 1989); D. Jacoby, Commercial Exchange across the Mediterranean (Aldershot, 2005).

C. Burnett, ‘Antioch as a link between Arabic and Latin culture in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries’, Occident et Proche-Orient: contacts scientifiques au temps des croisades, ed. I. Draelants, A. Tihon and B. van den Abeele (Louvain-la-Neuve, 2000), pp. 1–78. William of Tyre, the Latin historian of Outremer, was certainly intrigued by Islam. Around the 1170s he researched and wrote a detailed history of the Muslim world, but he probably could not read Persian or Arabic himself and had to rely on translators. Unfortunately, no manuscripts of this text have survived to the modern day–but this in itself may suggest that the work gained only a limited audience in the West. P. W. Edbury and J. G. Rowe, William of Tyre: Historian of the Latin East (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 23–4.

C. Burnett, ‘Stephen, the disciple of philosophy, and the exchange of medical learning in Antioch’, Crusades, vol. 5 (2006), pp. 113–29. Al-Majusi’s Royal Book detailed a remarkable range of medical treatments, some practical even by modern standards, some staggeringly bizarre. The section ‘On the adornment of the body’ included advice on how to remove unwanted hair and deal with cracks in lips and hands, curbing the growth of breasts and testicles, and dealing with body odour. Elsewhere, the section ‘About the regimen of travellers on land and sea’ was a mine of information useful to pilgrims: heat-stroke could be alleviated by pouring cooled rosewater over the head; bodily parts affected by frostbite should be rubbed with oils and grey squirrel fur; and a cure for seasickness was a syrup made from sour grapes, pomegranate, mint, apple and tamarind. The suggestion that an infestation of lice could be resolved by rubbing the body down with a mercury poultice was not quite so judicious.

It is worth considering what this evidence actually reveals about Outremer in the twelfth century. Did the patrons who commissioned works expressly demand pieces that reflected the variegated culture of the East; did they employ Latin craftsmen who absorbed oriental styles and techniques, either through deliberate study or organic transmission? If so, then it might reasonably be suggested that a flourishing, immersive artistic culture was developing in the Frankish Levant. It is possible, however, that more practical considerations were also at play; that Latin patrons simply employed the best craftsmen available. Usama ibn Munqidh, pp. 145–6; S. Edgington, ‘Administrative regulations for the Hospital of St John in Jerusalem dating from the 1180s’, Crusades, vol. 4 (2005), pp. 21–37. On the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, crusader architecture and material culture in Outremer see: Folda, The Art of the Crusaders, pp. 175–245; A. Boas, Crusader Archaeology: The Material Culture of the Latin East (London, 1999); N. Kenaan-Kedar, ‘The Figurative Western Lintel of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem’, The Meeting of Two Worlds, Cultural Exchange between East and West during the Period of the Crusades, ed. V. P. Goss (Kalamazoo, 1986), pp. 123–32; N. Kenaan-Kedar, ‘A Neglected Series of Crusader Sculpture: the ninety-six corbels of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre’, Israel Exploration Journal, vol. 42 (1992), pp. 103–14; D. Pringle, ‘Architecture in the Latin East’, The Oxford Illustrated History of the Crusades, ed. J. S. C. Riley-Smith (Oxford, 1995), pp. 160–84; D. Pringle, The Churches of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, 3 vols (Cambridge, 1993–2007).

B. Hamilton, ‘Rebuilding Zion: the Holy Places of Jerusalem in the Twelfth Century’, Studies in Church History, vol. 14 (1977), pp. 105–16; B. Hamilton, ‘The Cistercians in the Crusader States’, Monastic Reform, Catharism and the Crusade (1979), pp. 405–22; B. Hamilton, ‘Ideals of Holiness: Crusaders, Contemplatives, and Mendicants’, International History Review, vol. 17 (1995), pp. 693–712; A. Jotischky, The Perfection of Solitude: Hermits and Monks in the Crusader States (University Park, PA, 1995); A. Jotischky, ‘Gerard of Nazareth, Mary Magdalene and Latin Relations with the Greek Orthodox Church in the Crusader East in the Twelfth Century’, Levant, vol. 29 (1997), pp. 217–26; B. Z. Kedar, ‘Gerard of Nazareth, a neglected twelfth-century writer of the Latin East’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, vol. 37 (1983), pp. 55–77; B. Z. Kedar, ‘Multidirectional conversion in the Frankish Levant’, Varieties of Religious Conversion in the Middles Ages, ed. J. Muldoon (1997), pp. 190–97; B. Z. Kedar, ‘Latin and Oriental Christians in the Frankish Levant’, Sharing the Sacred: Contacts and Conflicts in the Religious History of the Holy Land, ed. A. Kofsky and G. Stroumsa (1998), pp. 209–22; B. Z. Kedar, ‘Convergences of Oriental Christian, Muslim and Frankish worshippers: the case of Saydnaya and the knights Templar’, The Crusades and the Military Orders, ed. Z. Hunyadi and J. Laszlovszky (Budapest, 2001), pp. 89–100.

93 Even Ibn Jubayr–the source of so many revealing insights into transcultural encounters–peppered his testimony with the language of hate and prejudice: describing Baldwin IV of Jerusalem as ‘the accursed king’ and a ‘pig’, and characterising Acre as a stinking hotbed of ‘unbelief and impiety’ that he hoped God would destroy (pp. 316, 318). Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 257–429.

C. Hillenbrand, ‘Abominable acts: the career of Zengi’, The Second Crusade: Scope and Consequences, ed. J. P. Phillips and M. Hoch (Manchester, 2001), pp. 111–32; Holt, The Age of the Crusades, pp. 38–42; H. Gibb, ‘Zengi and the fall of Edessa’, A History of the Crusades, vol. 1, ed. K. M. Setton and M. W. Baldwin (Philadelphia, 1958), pp. 449–62.

In 1140 Zangi gained mention of his name in the khutba (Friday prayer) as overlord of Damascus, but this was really an empty honorific. William of Tyre, p. 684.

Matthew of Edessa (Continuation), p. 243; William of Tyre, p. 739; Bernard of Clairvaux, ‘Epistolae’, Sancti Bernardi Opera, vol. 8, ed. J. Leclercq and H. M. Rochais (Rome, 1977), pp. 314–15.

On the history and significance of assigning numbers to crusading expeditions see: Constable, ‘The Historiography of the Crusades’, pp. 16–17.

Calixtus II, Bullaire, ed. U. Roberts (Paris, 1891), vol. 2, pp. 266–7; D. Girgensohn, ‘Das Pisaner Konzil von 1153 in der Überlieferung des Pisaner Konzils von 1409’, Festschrift für Hermann Heimpel, vol. 2 (Göttingen, 1971), pp. 1099–100; Bernard of Clairvaux, ‘Epistolae’, p. 435.

For the text of Quantum praedecessores see: R. Grosse, ‘Überlegungen zum kreuzzugeaufreuf Eugens III. von 1145/6. Mit einer Neueedition von JL 8876’, Francia, vol. 18 (1991), pp. 85–92. On the history of the Second Crusade see: V. Berry, ‘The Second Crusade’, A History of the Crusades, vol. 1, ed. K. M. Setton and M. W. Baldwin (Philadelphia, 1958), pp. 463–511; G. Constable, ‘The Second Crusade as Seen by Contemporaries’, Traditio, vol. 9 (1953), pp. 213–79; M. Gervers (ed.), The Second Crusade and the Cistercians (New York, 1992); A. Grabois, ‘Crusade of Louis VII: a Reconsideration’, Crusade and Settlement, ed. P. W. Edbury (Cardiff, 1985), pp. 94–104; J. P. Phillips and M. Hoch (eds), The Second Crusade: Scope and Consequences (Manchester, 2001); J. P. Phillips, The Second Crusade: Extending the Frontiers of Christendom (London, 2007). The main primary sources for the Near Eastern element of the Second Crusade are: Odo of Deuil, De profectione Ludovici VII in Orientem, ed. and trans. V. G. Berry (New York, 1948); Otto of Freising, Gesta Frederici seu rectius Chronica, ed. G. Waitz, B. Simon and F.-J. Schmale, trans. A. Schmidt (Darmstadt, 1965); William of Tyre, pp. 718–70; John of Salisbury, Historia Pontificalis, ed. and trans. M. Chibnall (London, 1956), pp. 52–9; John Kinnamos, The Deeds of John and Manuel Comnenus, trans. C. M. Brand (New York, 1976), pp. 58–72; Niketas Choniates, O’ City of Byzantium: Annals of Niketas Choniates (Detroit, 1984), pp. 35–42; Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 270–89; Ibn al-Athir, The Chronicle of Ibn al-Athir for the Crusading Period from al-Kamil fi’l-Ta’rikh, trans. D. S. Richards, vol. 2 (Aldershot, 2007), pp. 7–22; Sibt ibn al-Jauzi, ‘The Mirror of the Times’, Arab Historians of the Crusades, trans. F. Gabrieli, pp. 62–3; Michael the Syrian, Chronique de Michel le Syrien, patriarche jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), ed. and trans. J. B. Chabot, vol. 3 (Paris, 1905); Anonymous Syriac Chronicle, ‘The First and Second Crusades from an Anonymous Syriac Chronicle’, ed. and trans. A. S. Tritton and H. A. R. Gibb, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 92 (1933), pp. 273–306.

On St Bernard and the Cistercians see: G. R. Evans, Bernard of Clairvaux (New York, 2000); C. H. Berman, The Cistercian Evolution (Philadelphia, 2000).

Odo of Deuil, pp. 8–9; Bernard of Clairvaux, ‘Epistolae’, pp. 314–15, 435; Phillips, The Second Crusade: Extending the Frontiers of Christendom, pp. 61–79.

‘Vita Prima Sancti Bernardi’, Patrologia Latina, J. P. Migne, vol. 185 (Paris, 1855), col. 381; Tyerman, God’s War, p. 280; J. Phillips, ‘Papacy, empire and the Second Crusade’, The Second Crusade: Scope and Consequences, ed. J. P. Phillips and M. Hoch (Manchester, 2001), pp. 15–31; G. A. Loud, ‘Some reflections on the failure of the Second Crusade’, Crusades, vol. 4 (2005), pp. 1–14. Despite Graham Loud’s convincing refutation of the arguments posited by Jonathan Phillips in 2001, Phillips made a rather ill-advised attempt in 2007 to defend his suggestion that Pope Eugenius was involved in Conrad’s recruitment. By contrast, Phillips’ observations on the impact of memory and kinship upon recruitment are persuasive (Phillips, The Second Crusade: Extending the Frontiers of Christendom, pp. 25, 87–98, 99–103, 129–30).

‘Chevalier, Mult es Guariz’, The Crusades: A Reader, ed. S. J. Allen and E. Amt (Peterborough, Ontario, 2003), pp. 213–14. For an introduction to crusader songs see: M. Routledge, ‘Songs’, The Oxford Illustrated History of the Crusades, ed. J. S. C. Riley-Smith (Oxford, 1995), pp. 91–111.

Helmold of Bosau, Chronica Slavorum, ed. and trans. H. Stoob (Darmstadt, 1963), pp. 216–17; Eugenius III, ‘Epistolae et privilegia’, Patrologia Latina, J. P. Migne, vol. 180 (Paris, 1902), col. 1203–4; Constable, ‘The Second Crusade as Seen by Contemporaries’, pp. 213–79; A. Forey, ‘The Second Crusade: Scope and Objectives’, Durham University Journal, vol. 86 (1994), pp. 165–75; A. Forey, ‘The siege of Lisbon and the Second Crusade’, Portuguese Studies, vol. 20 (2004), pp. 1–13; Phillips, The Second Crusade: Extending the Frontiers of Christendom, pp. 136–67, 228–68.

Lilie, Byzantium and the Crusader States, pp. 142–69; Phillips, Defenders of the Holy Land, pp. 73–99; P. Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel Komnenos, 1143–1180 (Cambridge, 1994).

Odo of Deuil, pp. 16–17.

Suger, ‘Epistolae’, Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, ed. M. Bouquet et al., vol. 15 (Paris, 1878), p. 496; William of Tyre, pp. 751–2.

PART II: THE RESPONSE OF ISLAM

Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 266; Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 112–16; Hillenbrand, ‘Abominable acts: the career of Zengi’, pp. 111–32; C. Hillenbrand, ‘Jihad propaganda in Syria from the time of the First Crusade until the death of Zengi: the evidence of monumental inscriptions’, The Frankish Wars and Their Influence on Palestine, ed. K. Athamina and R. Heacock (Birzeit, 1994), pp. 60–69; H. Dajani-Shakeel, ‘Jihad in twelfth-century Arabic poetry’, Muslim World, vol. 66 (1976), pp. 96–113; H. Dajani-Shakeel, ‘Al-Quds: Jerusalem in the consciousness of the counter-crusade’, The Meeting of Two Worlds, ed. V. P. Goss (Kalamazoo, 1986), pp. 201–21.

Ibn al-Athir, vol. 1, p. 382; Hillenbrand, ‘Abominable acts: the career of Zengi’, p. 120.

Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 271–2; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 222; William of Tyre, p. 956. On Nur al-Din’s career see: H. Gibb, ‘The career of Nur ad-Din’, A History of the Crusades, vol. 1, ed. K. M. Setton and M. W. Baldwin (Philadelphia, 1958), pp. 513–27; N. Elisséeff, Nur al-Din: un grand prince musulman de Syrie au temps des Croisades, 3 vols (Damascus, 1967); Holt, The Age of the Crusades, pp. 42–52; Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 117–41.

Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 272; Ibn Jubayr, p. 260. In the centuries before the crusading era, Aleppo was ruled first by the Seleucids during the Hellenistic period (that followed Alexander the Great’s conquests), and then prospered for six centuries under the Romans before falling to the Arabs in 637 CE, assuming something of a secondary role to Damascus. The city’s fortunes were rejuvenated under the Iraqi Hamdanid dynasty (944–1003) and, when conquered by the Seljuq Turks in 1070, it stood as a bastion on the frontier with Byzantium.

Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 274–5; Michael the Syrian, vol. 3, p. 270; Matthew of Edessa, Continuation, pp. 244–5; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 8.

Ibn al-Athir, vol. 1, p. 350; Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 280–81.

Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 281–2. The esteemed German historian Hans Mayer went so far as to describe the attack on Damascus as ‘incredibly stupid’ and even ‘ridiculous’ (Mayer, The Crusades, p. 103). On this debate see: M. Hoch, Jerusalem, Damaskus und der Zweite Kreuzzug: Konstitutionelle Krise und äussere Sicherheit des Kreuzfahrerkönigreiches Jerusalem, AD 1126–54 (Frankfurt, 1993); M. Hoch, ‘The choice of Damascus as the objective of the Second Crusade: A re-evaluation’, Autour de la Première Croisade, ed. M. Balard (Paris, 1996), pp. 359–69; Phillips, The Second Crusade: Extending the Frontiers of Christendom, pp. 207–18.

Sibt ibn al-Jauzi, p. 62; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 22; Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 286; ‘Die Urkunden Konrads III. und seines Sohnes Heinrich’, ed. F. Hausmann, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Diplomata, vol. 9 (Vienna, 1969), n. 197, p. 357; William of Tyre, pp. 760–70; A. Forey, ‘The Failure of the Siege of Damascus in 1148’, Journal of Medieval History, vol. 10 (1984), pp. 13–24; M. Hoch, ‘The price of failure: The Second Crusade as a turning point in the history of the Latin East’, The Second Crusade: Scope and Consequences (Manchester, 2001), pp. 180–200; Phillips, The Second Crusade: Extending the Frontiers of Christendom, pp. 218–27.

Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, pp. 39–40; Lilie, Byzantium and the Crusader States, pp. 163–4.

Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, pp. 1–4, 222–3. One source offering a modicum of balance was authored by Ibn al-Qalanisi (d. 1160), who wrote his Damascus Chronicle while living in that city during the mid-twelfth century, but even he ended up writing under Zangid rule. Ibn al-Qalanisi twice held the office of ra’is–leader of townspeople and head of the urban militia (Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 7–14). On the Arabic sources for this period see: F. Gabrieli, ‘The Arabic historiography of the crusades’, Historians of the Middle East, ed. B. Lewis and P. M. Holt (London, 1962), pp. 98–107; D. S. Richards, ‘Ibn al-Athir and the later parts of the Kamil’, Medieval Historical Writing in the Christian and Islamic Worlds, ed. D. O. Morgan (London, 1982), pp. 76–108; A. M. Eddé, ‘Claude Cahen et les sources arabes des Croisades’, Arabica, vol. 43 (1996), pp. 89–97.

For Sir Hamilton Gibb, the renowned British scholar of Arabic history, the change came in 1149. Gibb declared that this was ‘the turning-point in [Nur al-Din’s] own conception of his mission and in the history of Muslim Syria. In the eyes of all Islam he had become a champion of the faith, and he now consciously set himself to fulfil the duties of that role’ (Gibb, ‘The career of Nur ad-Din’, p. 515). Just over a decade later, in 1967, Nikita Elisséeff published an influential three-volume biography of the ‘great Muslim prince of Syria’, refining this view. Elisséeff argued that it was only after 1154 that Nur al-Din truly was driven by authentic devotion to jihad and an overwhelming desire to reconquer Jerusalem (Elisséeff, Nur al-Din, II, p. 426). In 1991, Michael Köhler adopted a less sympathetic tone, suggesting that Nur al-Din was never truly dedicated to the struggle to reclaim the Holy City, but merely used jihad propaganda after 1157 to further his political aims (Köhler, Allianzen und Verträge, pp. 239, 277). On this issue see: Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 132–41.

On the Battle of Inab see: Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 288–94; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, pp. 31–2; William of Tyre, pp. 770–74; John Kinnamos, p. 97; Matthew of Edessa, Continuation, p. 257; Michael the Syrian, vol. 3, pp. 288–9; Abu Shama, ‘Le Livre des Deux Jardins’, RHC Or. IV–V, pp. 61–4.

Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, pp. 31–2, 36; Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 295; Gibb, ‘The career of Nur ad-Din’, pp. 515–16; Holt, The Age of the Crusades, p. 44; Mayer, The Crusades, pp. 107–8; Richard, The Crusades, p. 171; Jotischky, Crusading and the Crusader States, p. 111.

The Zangid supporter Ibn al-Athir later argued that in the early 1150s ‘Nur al-Din had no route to hinder [the Franks] because Damascus was an obstacle between [them]’. It was feared, so the chronicler asserted, that the Franks would soon occupy that ancient metropolis, because they were sucking it dry of wealth through hefty annual tribute payments that ‘their agents used to enter the city and collect…from the population’ (Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 71). Nur al-Din was only too aware of the power of these arguments and actively engaged in a propaganda war against Damascus, sponsoring the composition of poetry decrying the city’s policy of allying with the Franks. On the kingdom of Jerusalem in the period see: Mayer, ‘Studies in Queen Melisende’, pp. 95–183; M. W. Baldwin, ‘The Latin states under Baldwin III and Amalric I 1143–74’, A History of the Crusades, vol. 1, ed. K. M. Setton and M. W. Baldwin (Philadelphia, 1958), pp. 528–62.

Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 296–327. Elisséeff echoed the view that Nur al-Din prioritised the Holy War after occupying Damascus, claiming that after 1154 the emir proceeded solely ‘in the name of jihad against the crusaders and to help the revitalisation of Sunni Islam’ (Elisséeff, Nur al-Din, II, p. 426). Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, p. 134.

Ibn Jubayr, pp. 271–2, 279; R. Burns, Damascus (London, 2004), p. 169. Damascus developed around an oasis formed by a delta of the Barada River that flows out of the mountains of Lebanon. Muslims conquered the city in the seventh century CE, during the first rush of Arab-Islamic expansion, and it remained the capital of the Umayyad Empire and seat of the caliphate until 750.

Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 340; B. Hamilton, ‘The Elephant of Christ: Reynald of Châtillon’, Studies in Church History, vol. 15 (1978), pp. 97–108.

William of Tyre, pp. 860–61; Phillips, Defenders of the Holy Land, pp. 100–39; Lilie, Byzantium and the Crusader States, pp. 163–87.

Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, pp. 141–2; William of Tyre, pp. 873–4.

Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, pp. 146–50; William of Tyre, pp. 874–7; Cahen, La Syrie du Nord, pp. 408–9.

Elsewhere in his realm, Nur al-Din promoted a similar building programme: in 1159 he sponsored the building of the Madrasa al-Shu‘aybiyya in Aleppo, one of forty-two Islamic teaching colleges built in the city during his rule, half of which enjoyed his personal patronage. Nur al-Din’s pulpit survived intact for eight hundred years. But in 1969 it was destroyed by a fire lit by a fanatical Australian. Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 118–67; D. S. Richards, ‘A text of Imad al-Din on twelfth-century Frankish-Muslim relations’, Arabica, vol. 25 (1978), pp. 202–4; D. S. Richards, ‘Imad al-Din al-Isfahani: Administrator, litterateur and historian’, Crusaders and Muslims in Twelfth-Century Syria, ed. M. Shatzmiller (Leiden, 1993), pp. 133–46; E. Sivan, ‘The beginnings of the Fada’il al-Quds literature’, Israel Oriental Studies, vol. 1 (1971), pp. 263–72; E. Sivan, ‘Le caractère sacré de Jérusalem dans l’Islam aux XII^e–XIII^e siècles’, Studia Islamica, vol. 27 (1967), pp. 149–82; N. Elisséeff, ‘Les monuments de Nur al-Din’, Bulletin des Études Orientales, vol. 12 (1949–51), pp. 5–43; N. Elisséeff, ‘La titulaire de Nur al-Din d’après ses inscriptions’, Bulletin des Études Orientales, vol. 14 (1952–4), pp. 155–96; I. Hasson, ‘Muslim literature in praise of Jerusalem: Fada‘il Bayt al-Maqdis’, The Jerusalem Cathedra (Jerusalem, 1981), pp. 168–84; Y. Tabbaa, ‘Monuments with a message: propagation of jihad under Nur al-Din’, The Meeting of Two Worlds, ed. V. P. Goss (Kalamazoo, 1986), pp. 223–40.

Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 303.

William of Tyre, p. 903; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 62; C. F. Petry (ed.), Cambridge History of Egypt: Islamic Egypt, 640–1517 (Cambridge, 1998); Y. Lev, State and Society in Fatimid Egypt (Leiden, 1991); Y. Lev, ‘Regime, army and society in medieval Egypt, 9th–12th centuries’, War and Society in the Eastern Mediterranean, 7th–15th Centuries, ed. Y. Lev (Leiden, 1997), pp. 115–52.

Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 138; William of Tyre, pp. 864–8. For the Latin perspective on the Egyptian campaigns of the 1160s see: Mayer, The Crusades, pp. 117–22; Phillips, Defenders of the Holy Land, pp. 140–67.

William of Tyre, p. 871; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 144; M. C. Lyons and D. E. P. Jackson, Saladin. The Politics of the Holy War (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 6–9.

Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, pp. 144, 163; William of Tyre, p. 922; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 9–25; Smail, Crusading Warfare, pp. 183–5.

Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, pp. 175, 177; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 25–9.

Holt, The Age of the Crusades, pp. 48–52; Mayer, The Crusades, p. 122; Jotischky, Crusading and the Crusader States, pp. 115–16; Madden, The New Concise History of the Crusades, p. 68. On Saladin’s rule in Egypt see: Y. Lev, Saladin in Egypt (Leiden, 1999); Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 31–69.

This colourful story makes a fine tale and, while it could be factual, it is recorded only in Ayyubid sources and thus remains uncorroborated. It is possible that some of its details may have been fabricated to justify a clampdown on the Fatimid court. Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 33–4.

Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 180. On Outremer’s relations with Byzantium and the West in this period see: J. L. La Monte, ‘To What Extent was the Byzantine Emperor the Suzerain of the Latin Crusading States?’, Byzantion, vol. 7 (1932), pp. 253–64; R. C. Smail, ‘Relations between Latin Syria and the West, 1149–1187’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th series, vol. 19 (1969), pp. 1–20; Lilie, Byzantium and the Crusader States, pp. 198–209; Phillips, Defenders of the Holy Land, pp. 168–224.

One Arabic chronicler suggested that al-Adid was poisoned, but even if Saladin was indeed involved in engineering the caliph’s rather timely death, a subtler form of assassination had been preferred to the traditional Egyptian bloodbath. Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 44–8.

Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 46–9, 61–5; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, pp. 197–200, 213–14.

Baha al-Din Ibn Shaddad, The Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, trans. D. S. Richards (Aldershot, 2001), p. 49.

Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, pp. 221–2; William of Tyre, p. 956.

Baha al-Din, p. 28; Imad al-Din al-Isfahani, Conquête de la Syrie et de la Palestine par Saladin, trans. H. Massé (Paris, 1972); Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, pp. 223–409; Abu Shama, ‘Le Livre des Deux Jardins’, IV, p. 159–V, p. 109; Gabrieli, Arab Historians of the Crusades, pp. 87–252; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 435–6. On the sources for Saladin’s life see: H. A.R. Gibb, ‘The Arabic sources for the life of Saladin’, Speculum, vol. 25.1 (1950), pp. 58–74; D. S. Richards, ‘A consideration of two sources for the life of Saladin’, Journal of Semitic Studies, vol. 25 (1980), pp. 46–65. On Saladin’s career from 1174 onwards see: S. Lane-Poole, Saladin and the Fall of the Kingdom of Jerusalem (London, 1898); H. Gibb, ‘Saladin’, A History of the Crusades, vol. 1, ed. K. M. Setton and M. W. Baldwin (Philadelphia, 1958), pp. 563–89; H. A. R. Gibb, ‘The armies of Saladin’, Studies in the Civilization of Islam, ed. S. J. Shaw and W. R. Polk (London, 1962), pp. 74–90; H. A. R. Gibb, ‘The Achievement of Saladin’, Studies in the Civilization of Islam, ed. Shaw and Polk, pp. 91–107; H. A. R. Gibb, The Life of Saladin (Oxford, 2006); A. Ehrenkreutz, Saladin (Albany, 1972); Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 71–374; H. Möhring, ‘Saladins Politik des Heiligen Krieges’, Der Islam, vol. 61 (1984), pp. 322–6; H. Möhring, Saladin: The Sultan and His Times 1138–1193, trans. D. S. Bachrach (Baltimore, 2008); Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 171–95. On the adoption of the title ‘sultan’ see: P. M. Holt, ‘The sultan as idealised ruler: Ayyubid and Mamluk prototypes’, Suleyman the Magnificent and His Age, ed. M. Kunt and C. Woodhead (Harrow, 1995), pp. 122–37.

Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 73–4.

Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 79–84; Baha al-Din, p. 51; William of Tyre, p. 968.

Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 85–6.

The first truce was apparently concluded in secret with the count of Tripoli in spring 1175 (just before the first battle against the Aleppan–Mosuli coalition), to forestall the opening of a second front against the Christians. In July that same year, the sultan entered into a more public dialogue with a high-level diplomat from the kingdom of Jerusalem. Admittedly, Muslim and Latin sources seem to agree that Saladin got the better deal in these negotiations, promising to release some Frankish captives from Homs in return for firm assurances that there would be no moves to counter his campaigns against Aleppo. Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 86–110.

William of Tyre, pp. 953–4.

Lewis, The Assassins, pp. 116–17.

Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, p. 130; S. B. Edgington, ‘The doves of war: the part played by carrier pigeons in the crusades’, Autour de la Première Croisade, ed. M. Balard (Paris, 1996), pp. 167–76; D. Jacoby, ‘The supply of war materials in Egypt in the crusader period’, Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam, vol. 25 (2001), pp. 102–32.

William of Tyre, pp. 961–2.

B. Hamilton, ‘Baldwin the leper as war leader’, From Clermont to Jerusalem, ed. A. V. Murray (Turnhout, 1998), pp. 119–30; B. Hamilton, The Leper King and His Heirs: Baldwin IV and the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem (2000).

William of Tyre, p. 961. Piers Mitchell published a useful study of Baldwin IV’s leprosy as an appendix to Bernard Hamilton’s biography of the leper king (Hamilton, The Leper King, pp. 245–58).

Anonymi auctoris Chronicon ad AC 1234 pertinens, ed. I. B. Chabot, trans. A. Abouna, 2 vols (Louvain, 1952–74), p. 141.

William of Tyre, p. 991; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 253; Baha al-Din, p. 54; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 121–6; Hamilton, The Leper King, pp. 132–6.

Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 130–33.

The excavation of the castle at Jacob’s Ford, pioneered by Professor Ronnie Ellenblum of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, represents a massive breakthrough in the field of crusader studies. This dig offers an astonishingly detailed glimpse of the crusading world–the equivalent of a freeze-frame image of the twelfth century–because Jacob’s Ford is the first castle to be discovered as it was in 1179, with its slaughtered garrison still within its walls. Many of the physical and material finds from the site can be dated with incredible precision to the morning of Thursday 29 August 1179, because they lay beneath buildings known to have burned and collapsed when the fortress fell. Somewhat ironically, the fact that the stronghold was incomplete actually adds to its archaeological value, because its remains provide an invaluable insight into the construction techniques of medieval castle builders. William of Tyre, p. 998; M. Barber, ‘Frontier warfare in the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem: the campaign of Jacob’s Ford, 1178–9’, The Crusades and Their Sources: Essay Presented to Bernard Hamilton, ed. J. France and W. G. Zajac (Aldershot, 1998), pp. 9–22; R. Ellenblum, ‘Frontier activities: the transformation of a Muslim sacred site into the Frankish castle of Vadum Jacob’, Crusades, vol. 2 (2003), pp. 83–97; Hamilton, The Leper King, pp. 142–7; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 133–43.

50 Lilie, Byzantium and the Crusader States, pp. 211–30. Not surprisingly, given the obvious advantages accrued by Saladin at al-Salih’s death, some rumours circulated suggesting that Ayyubid agents had poisoned the Zangid heir. However, Saladin’s initially slow and relatively inept reaction to al-Salih’s demise (which allowed Imad al-Din Zangi to seize power in Aleppo) probably indicates that the sultan was not involved. Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 143–60.

Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 165–70; Hamilton, The Leper King, pp. 172–5.

Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 170–75; Hamilton, The Leper King, pp. 175–7.

William of Tyre, p. 1037.

This territorial expansion prompted Saladin to redistribute power and responsibility within his realm. His brother al-Adil, who since 1174 had governed Egypt, was summoned to Syria to take possession of Aleppo–perhaps with some suggestion that he might be able to pursue semi-independent expansion in the Jazira. The sultan’s nephew Taqi al-Din was promoted, taking over responsibility for the Nile region. Saladin’s other trusted nephew Farrukh-Shah had died of ill-health in late 1182; for the time being he was replaced in Damascus by Ibn al-Muqqadam. Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, p. 202.