Текст книги "The Crusades. The Authoritative History of the War for the Holy Land"
Автор книги: Thomas Asbridge
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Raymond of Aguilers, pp. 120–24, 128–9; Fulcher of Chartres, pp. 238–41.
Albert of Aachen, p. 402.
Fulcher of Chartres, pp. 281–92. On medieval Jerusalem see: A. J. Boas, Jerusalem in the Time of the Crusades (London, 2001); J. Prawer, ‘The Jerusalem the crusaders captured: A contribution to the medieval topography of the city’, Crusade and Settlement, ed. P. W. Edbury (Cardiff, 1985), pp. 1–16; France, Victory in the East, pp. 333–5, 337–43.
Raymond of Aguilers, pp. 139–41; Albert of Aachen, pp. 410–12. On the siege of Jerusalem see: France, Victory in the East, pp. 332–55; Rogers, Latin Siege Warfare, pp. 47–63; Asbridge, The First Crusade, pp. 298–316.
Raymond of Aguilers, pp. 141–2; Albert of Aachen, p. 422.
Raymond of Aguilers, pp. 146–8; Albert of Aachen, p. 416.
Raymond of Aguilers, pp. 148–9; Fulcher of Chartres, pp. 296–9.
Raymond of Aguilers, p. 150; Gesta Francorum, p. 91; Robert the Monk, p. 868.
Ibn al-Athir, pp. 21–2; Fulcher of Chartres, pp. 304–5; B. Z. Kedar, ‘The Jerusalem massacre of 1099 in the western historiography of the crusades’, Crusades, vol. 3 (2004), pp. 15–75.
Historians continue to debate the precise nature of Godfrey’s title. He may well also have employed the appellation ‘prince’, but it is relatively certain that he did not style himself as ‘king of Jerusalem’. On this debate see: J. S. C. Riley-Smith, ‘The title of Godfrey of Bouillon’, Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, vol. 52 (1979), pp. 83–6; J. France, ‘The election and title of Godfrey de Bouillon’, Canadian Journal of History, vol. 18 (1983), pp. 321–9; A. V. Murray, The Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem: A Dynastic History 1099–1125 (Oxford, 2000), pp. 63–77.
Peter Tudebode, pp. 146–7; France, Victory in the East, pp. 360–65; Asbridge, The First Crusade, pp. 323–7.
On the 1101 crusade see: Riley-Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading, pp. 120–34; J. L. Cate, ‘The crusade of 1101’, A History of the Crusades, ed. K. M. Setton, vol. 1, 2nd edn (Madison, 1969), pp. 343–67; A. Mullinder, ‘The Crusading Expeditions of 1101–2’ (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Wales, Swansea, 1996).
On the evolving debate surrounding the centrality of the Gesta Francorum as a source for the First Crusade and on the identity of its author see: A. C. Krey, ‘A neglected passage in the Gesta and its bearing on the literature of the First Crusade’, The Crusades and Other Historical Essays presented to Dana C. Munro by his former students, ed. L. J. Paetow (New York, 1928), pp. 57–78; K. B. Wolf, ‘Crusade and narrative: Bohemond and the Gesta Francorum’, Journal of Medieval History, vol. 17 (1991), pp. 207–16; C. Morris, ‘The Gesta Francorum as narrative history’, Reading Medieval Studies, vol. 19 (1993), pp. 55–71; J. France, ‘The Anonymous Gesta Francorum and the Historia Francorum qui ceperunt Iherusalem of Raymond of Aguilers and the Historia de Hierosolymitano Itinere of Peter Tudebode’, The Crusades and Their Sources: Essays Presented to Bernard Hamilton, ed. J. France and W. G. Zajac (Aldershot, 1998), pp. 39–69; J. France, ‘The use of the anonymous Gesta Francorum in the early twelfth-century sources for the First Crusade’, From Clermont to Jerusalem: The Crusades and Crusader Societies, 1095–1500, ed. A. V. Murray (Turnhout, 1998), pp. 29–42; J. Rubenstein, ‘What is the Gesta Francorum and who was Peter Tudebode?’, Revue Mabillon, vol. 16 (2005), pp. 179–204.
Kedar, ‘The Jerusalem massacre of 1099’, pp. 16–30; La Chanson d’Antioche, ed. S. Duparc-Quioc, 2 vols (Paris, 1982); The Canso d’Antioca: An Occitan Epic Chronicle of the First Crusade, trans. C. Sweetenham and L. Paterson (Aldershot, 2003). For a discussion of Robert the Monk’s account see: C. Sweetenham, Robert the Monk’s History of the First Crusade (Aldershot, 2005), pp. 1–71. On the role of memory see: Asbridge, ‘The Holy Lance of Antioch’, pp. 20–26; S. B. Edgington, ‘Holy Land, Holy Lance: religious ideas in the Chanson d’Antioche’, The Holy Land, Holy Lands and Christian History, Studies in Church History, ed. R. N. Swanson, vol. 36 (Woodbridge, 2000), pp. 142–53; S. B. Edgington, ‘Romance and reality in the sources for the sieges of Antioch, 1097–1098’, Porphyrogenita, ed. C. Dendrinos, J. Harris, E. Harvalia-Crook and J. Herrin (Aldershot, 2003), pp. 33–46; Y. Katzir, ‘The conquests of Jerusalem, 1099 and 1187: Historical memory and religious typology’, The Meeting of Two Worlds: Cultural Exchange between East and West in the Period of the Crusades, ed. V. P. Goss (Kalamazoo, 1986) pp. 103–13; J. M. Powell, ‘Myth, legend, propaganda, history: The First Crusade, 1140–c. 1300’, Autour de la Première Croisade, ed. M. Balard (Paris, 1996), pp. 127–41.
Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 44, 48; Ibn al-Athir, pp. 21–2; al-Azimi, pp. 372–3; C. Hillenbrand, ‘The First Crusade: The Muslim perspective’, The First Crusade: Origins and Impact, ed. J. P. Phillips (Manchester, 1997), pp. 130–41; Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 50–68.
Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 68–74; J. Drory, ‘Early Muslim reflections on the Crusaders’, Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam, vol. 25 (2001), pp. 92–101; D. Ephrat and M. D. Kahba, ‘Muslim reaction to the Frankish presence in Bilad al-Sham: intensifying religious fidelity within the masses’, Al-Masaq, vol. 15 (2003), pp. 47–58; W. J. Hamblin, ‘To wage jihad or not: Fatimid Egypt during the early crusades’, The Jihad and its Times, ed. H. Dajani-Shakeel and R. A. Mossier (Ann Arbor, 1991), pp. 31–40. Al-Sulami was particularly unusual, because he identified accurately that the Franks were waging a holy war targeting Jerusalem. He also considered the crusade to be part of a wider Christian offensive against Islam that included conflicts in Iberia and Sicily. E. Sivan, ‘La genèse de la contre-croisade: un traité Damasquin du début du XIIe siècle’, Journal Asiatique, vol. 254 (1966), pp. 197–224; N. Christie, ‘Jerusalem in the Kitab al-Jihad of Ali ibn Tahir al-Sulami’, Medieval Encounters, vol. 13. 2 (2007), pp. 209–21; N. Christie and D. Gerish, ‘Parallel preaching: Urban II and al-Sulami’, Al-Masaq, vol. 15 (2003), pp. 139–48.
The term ‘crusader states’ is somewhat misleading, as it gives the impression that these settlements were exclusively populated by crusaders and that their history might be interpreted as an example of ongoing crusading activity. The vast majority of the surviving First Crusaders returned to the West in 1099, leaving Outremer to face perpetual manpower shortages and to rely upon the influx of new settlers, most of whom had not formally taken the cross. The issue of the continued influence of crusading ideology over the history of the Latin East is a more vexed question. J. S. C. Riley-Smith, ‘Peace never established: the Case of the Kingdom of Jerusalem’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th series, vol. 28 (1978), pp. 87–102.
For an overview of the history of the crusader states in the first half of the twelfth century see: Mayer, The Crusades, pp. 58–92; Richard, The Crusades, pp. 77–169; Jotischky, Crusading and the Crusader States, pp. 62–102. For a detailed and lively (if not always entirely reliable) account of this period see: S. Runciman, ‘The kingdom of Jerusalem and the Frankish East 1100–1187’, A History of the Crusades, vol. 2 (Cambridge, 1952). For more detailed regional studies see: J. Prawer, Histoire du Royaume Latin de Jérusalem, 2nd edn, 2 vols (Paris, 1975); J. Richard, The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, trans. J. Shirley, 2 vols (Oxford, 1979); A. Murray, The Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem: A Dynastic History 1099–1125 (Oxford, 2000); C. Cahen, La Syrie du Nord à l’époque des Croisades et la principauté Franque d’Antioche (Paris, 1940); T. Asbridge, The Creation of the Principality of Antioch (Woodbridge, 2000); J. Richard, La comté de Tripoli sous la dynastie toulousaine (1102–1187) (Paris, 1945); M. Amouroux-Mourad, Le comté d’Édesse, 1098–1150 (Paris, 1988); C. MacEvitt, The Crusades and the Christian World of the East (Philadelphia, 2008). The main chronicle and narrative primary sources for Outremer’s early history are: Fulcher of Chartres, Historia Hierosolymitana (1095–1127), ed. H. Hagenmeyer (Heidelberg, 1913); Albert of Aachen, Historia Iherosolimitana, ed. and trans. S. B. Edgington (Oxford, 2007); Walter the Chancellor, Bella Antiochena, ed. H. Hagenmeyer (Innsbruck, 1896); Orderic Vitalis, The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis, ed. and trans. M. Chibnall, vols 5 and 6 (Oxford, 1975); William of Tyre, Chronicon, ed. R. B. C. Huygens, Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis, 63–63A, 2 vols (Turnhout, 1986); Ibn al-Qalanisi, The Damascus Chronicle of the Crusades, extracted and translated from the Chronicle of Ibn al-Qalanisi, trans. H. A. R. Gibb (London, 1932); Ibn al-Athir, The Chronicle of Ibn al-Athir. Part 1, trans. D. S. Richards (Aldershot, 2006); Kemal ad-Din, La Chronique d’Alep, RHC Or. III, pp. 577–732; Anna Comnena, Alexiade, ed. and trans. B. Leib, vol. 3 (Paris, 1976); John Kinnamos, The Deeds of John and Manuel Comnenus, trans. C. M. Brand (New York, 1976); Matthew of Edessa, Armenia and the Crusades, Tenth to Twelfth Centuries: The Chronicle of Matthew of Edessa, trans. A. E. Dostourian (Lanham, 1993); Michael the Syrian, Chronique de Michel le Syrien, patriarche jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), ed. and trans. J. B. Chabot, 4 vols (Paris, 1899–1910); Anonymous Syriac Chronicle, ‘The First and Second Crusades from an Anonymous Syriac Chronicle’, ed. and trans. A. S. Tritton and H. A. R. Gibb, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 92 (1933), pp. 69–102, 273–306.
Albert of Aachen, p. 514. Murray, The Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, pp. 81–93; B. Hamilton, The Latin Church in the Crusader States. The Secular Church (1980), pp. 52–5.
William of Tyre, p. 454; Fulcher of Chartres, p. 353.
On the foundation of the Latin Church in Palestine and relations between the patriarch and king of Jerusalem see: Hamilton, The Latin Church in the Crusader States, pp. 52–85; K.-P. Kirstein, Die lateinischen Patriarchen von Jerusalem (Berlin, 2002). On the Jerusalemite True Cross see: A. V. Murray, ‘“Mighty against the enemies of Christ”: The relic of the True Cross in the armies of the kingdom of Jerusalem’, The Crusades and Their Sources: Essays Presented to Bernard Hamilton, ed. J. France and W. G. Zajac (Aldershot, 1998), pp. 217–37.
Fulcher of Chartres, pp. 387–8, 460–61; J. Wilkinson (trans.), Jerusalem Pilgrimage 1099–1185 (London, 1988), pp. 100–101; Albert of Aachen, p. 664. A northern-French cleric, Fulcher of Chartres began the First Crusade in the company of Count Stephen of Blois-Chartres, but later gravitated to Baldwin of Boulogne’s contingent, becoming his chaplain. Fulcher accompanied Baldwin to Edessa and then, with him, relocated to Jerusalem in 1100, remaining resident in the Holy City for the next three decades. In the earliest years of the twelfth century, Fulcher composed a history of the First Crusade (based, in part, upon the Gesta Francorum). He later extended his account to cover events in Outremer between 1100 and 1127, at which point his chronicle came to an abrupt end. As the work of a well-informed witness, Fulcher’s Historia is an invaluable source. V. Epp, Fulcher von Chartres: Studien zur Geschichtsschreibung des ersten Kreuzzuges (Düsseldorf, 1990).
Fulcher of Chartres, pp. 397, 403. On Outremer’s relations with the Italian mercantile communities see: M.L. Favreau-Lilie, Die Italiener im Heiligen Land vom ersten Kreuzzug bis zum Tode Heinrichs von Champagne (1098–1197) (Amsterdam, 1989).
In 1103, Muslim Acre was saved from an earlier Frankish siege by the timely arrival of a Fatimid fleet. It is possible that the Genoese may have carried out some ill-disciplined pillaging after Acre’s fall in 1104.
This incident was recorded in Latin and Muslim sources: Albert of Aachen, pp. 808–10; Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 108–10.
On the relationship between the Jerusalemite crown and the Frankish aristocracy see: Murray, The Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, pp. 97–114; S. Tibble, Monarchy and Lordships in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem 1099–1291 (Oxford, 1989).
Fulcher of Chartres, pp. 407–24; Albert of Aachen, pp. 580–82. On the first Battle of Ramla and the two campaigns that followed in 1102 and 1105 see: R. C. Smail, Crusading Warfare 1097–1193 (Cambridge, 1956), pp. 175–7; M. Brett, ‘The battles of Ramla (1099–1105)’, Egypt and Syria in the Fatimid, Ayyubid and Mamluk Eras, ed. U. Vermeulen and D. De Smet (Leuven, 1995), pp. 17–39. On Fatimid warfare see: B. J. Beshir, ‘Fatimid military organization’, Der Islam, vol. 55 (1978), pp. 37–56; W. J. Hamblin, ‘The Fatimid navy during the early crusades: 1099–1124’, American Neptune, vol. 46 (1986), pp. 77–83.
William of Malmesbury, p. 467; Fulcher of Chartres, p. 446; Albert of Aachen, p. 644.
A Muslim pilgrim from Iberia, Ibn Jubayr, journeyed through the Terre de Sueth seventy years later and bore witness to the fact that the cooperative Latin–Muslim agrarian exploitation of this fertile region continued, seemingly unaffected by the war brewing between Saladin and the kingdom of Jerusalem. Ibn Jubayr described how ‘the cultivation of the valley is divided between the Franks and the Muslims…They apportion crops equally, and their animals are mingled together, yet no wrong takes place between them.’ Ibn Jubayr, The Travels of Ibn Jubayr, trans. R. J. C. Broadhurst (London, 1952), p. 315.
Matthew of Edessa, p. 192. On the early history of Frankish Antioch see: Asbridge, The Creation of the Principality of Antioch, pp. 47–58.
Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 61; Ralph of Caen, p. 712; Smail, Crusading Warfare, pp. 177–8, no. 6.
Ralph of Caen, pp. 713–14. A Norman priest who joined Bohemond’s 1107–08 crusade and then settled in the principality of Antioch, Ralph of Caen wrote a history of the First Crusade and the crusader states toc. 1106. His account focused upon the careers of Bohemond and Tancred. For an introduction to Ralph’s account see: B. S. Bachrach and D. S. Bachrach (trans.), The Gesta Tancredi of Ralph of Caen (Aldershot, 2005), pp. 1–17.
Albert of Aachen, p. 702; Ralph of Caen, pp. 714–15; Asbridge, The Creation of the Principality of Antioch, pp. 57–65.
Anna Comnena, vol. 3, p. 51. To date, the standard work of Bohemond’s venture is: J. G. Rowe, ‘Paschal II, Bohemund of Antioch and the Byzantine empire’, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, vol. 49 (1966), pp. 165–202. Rowe’s arguments are ripe for revision. See also: Yewdale, Bohemond I, pp. 106–31.
It is possible that Tancred fought alongside Ridwan of Aleppo in a second conflict against Chavli of Mosul and Baldwin of Edessa in 1109. Ibn al-Athir, vol. 1, p. 141; Asbridge, The Creation of the Principality of Antioch, pp. 112–14.
Albert of Aachen, pp. 782, 786, 794–6; Asbridge, The Creation of the Principality of Antioch, pp. 114–21. On the early history of the Latin Church in northern Syria and the ecclesiastical dispute between Antioch and Jerusalem see: Hamilton, The Latin Church in the Crusader States, pp. 18–51; J. G. Rowe, ‘The Papacy and the Ecclesiastical Province of Tyre 1110–1187’, Bulletin of John Rylands Library, vol. 43 (1962), pp. 160–89; Asbridge, The Creation of the Principality of Antioch, pp. 195–213.
Contemporaries were aware of the obstacle presented by the Belus Hills, with one Latin eyewitness, Walter the Chancellor (p. 79), commenting on the protection afforded to Antioch by the ‘mountains [and] crags’, but modern historians have largely ignored the significance of the Belus Hills. Being of such limited altitude, they rarely appear on maps of the region. I stumbled (almost literally) upon the range when travelling through this beautiful, yet rugged, area on foot, an experience which led me to re-evaluate the impact of this topographic feature upon Antiochene history. P. Deschamps, ‘Le défense du comté de Tripoli et de la principauté d’Antioche’, Les Châteaux des Croisés en Terre Sainte, vol. 3 (Paris, 1973), pp. 59–60; Asbridge, The Creation of the Principality of Antioch, p. 50; T. Asbridge, ‘The significance and causes of the battle of the Field of Blood’, Journal of Medieval History, vol. 23. 4 (1997), pp. 301–16.
Matthew of Edessa, p. 212; T. Asbridge, ‘The “crusader” community at Antioch: The impact of interaction with Byzantium and Islam’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th series, vol. 9 (1999), pp. 305–25; Asbridge, The Creation of the Principality of Antioch, pp. 65–7, 134–9.
Fulcher of Chartres, p. 426; Runciman, A History of the Crusades, vol. 2, p. 126; Smail, Crusading Warfare, p. 125; Richard, The Crusades, p. 135; Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 137.
On the Assassins see: M. G. S. Hodgson, The Secret Order of the Assassins (The Hague, 1955); B. Lewis, The Assassins (London, 1967); B. Lewis, ‘The Isma‘ilites and the Assassins’, A History of the Crusades, ed. K. M. Setton, vol. 1, 2nd edn (Madison, 1969), pp. 99–132; F. Daftary, The Isma‘ilis: Their History and Doctrines (Cambridge, 1990).
Smail, Crusading Warfare, pp. 143–8, 178–9; Asbridge, The Creation of the Principality of Antioch, pp. 70–73.
Albert of Aachen, pp. 866–8. In the midst of his bout of illness in early 1117 King Baldwin’s ability to dominate Palestine’s Frankish aristocracy was curbed. Having failed to produce an heir, Baldwin was all but compelled by the Latin nobility to repudiate his third wife Adelaide (the widowed mother of the young count of Sicily, Roger II) on grounds of bigamy, in order to avoid the prospect of a Sicilian ruler acceding to the Jerusalemite throne. Murray, The Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, pp. 115–17.
Kemal al-Din, p. 617; C. Hillenbrand, ‘The career of Najm al-Din Il-Ghazi’, Der Islam, vol. 58 (1981), pp. 250–92. King Baldwin II came to power in Jerusalem in 1118 only after a disputed succession in which Baldwin I’s brother Eustace of Boulogne was an alternative candidate. H. E. Mayer, ‘The Succession of Baldwin II of Jerusalem: English Impact on the East’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, vol. 39 (1985), pp. 139–47; A. Murray, ‘Dynastic Continuity or Dynastic Change? The Accession of Baldwin II and the Nobility of the Kingdom of Jerusalem’, Medieval Prosopography, vol. 13 (1992), pp. 1–27; A. Murray, ‘Baldwin II and his Nobles: Baronial Faction and Dissent in the Kingdom of Jerusalem, 1118–1134’, Nottingham Medieval Studies, vol. 38 (1994), pp. 60–85.
Walter the Chancellor, pp. 88, 108; Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 160–61; Smail, Crusading Warfare, pp. 179–81.
Walter the Chancellor, p. 78; Asbridge, ‘The significance and causes of the battle of the Field of Blood’, pp. 301–16. There may have been some truth to the accusations of sexual impropriety–even his supporter Walter the Chancellor hinted at this misdemeanour–but otherwise, Roger seems to have ruled, unchallenged, as a legitimate prince in his own right. The notion that he had unlawfully deprived Bohemond II of his inheritance was probably disseminated posthumously, both to account for the offender’s death and to validate the young prince-designate’s position. Unfortunately for Roger, the slur stuck and ever since he has generally been painted as an ill-fated, grasping regent. On attitudes towards Roger’s status and moral probity see: Asbridge, The Creation of the Principality of Antioch, pp. 139–43; T. Asbridge and S.E. Edgington (trans.), Walter the Chancellor’s The Antiochene Wars (Aldershot, 1999), pp. 12–26.
Murray, The Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, pp. 135–46; H. E. Mayer, ‘Jérusalem et Antioche au temps de Baudoin II’, Comptes-rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Nov.–Déc. 1980 (Paris, 1980); T. Asbridge, ‘Alice of Antioch: a case study of female power in the twelfth century’, The Experience of Crusading 2: Defining the Crusader Kingdom, ed. P. W. Edbury and J. P. Phillips (Cambridge, 2003), pp. 29–47.
‘Liber ad milites Templi de laude novae militiae’, Sancti Bernardi Opera, vol. 3, ed. J. Leclercq and H. M. Rochais (Rome, 1963), pp. 205–39. For a collection of primary sources relating to the Templars translated into English see: M. Barber and K. Bate (trans.), The Templars: Selected Sources Translated and Annotated (Manchester, 2002). On the history of Templars and Hospitallers see: M. Barber, The New Knighthood. A History of the Order of the Templars (Cambridge, 1994); H. Nicholson, The Knights Templar (London, 2001); J. S. C. Riley-Smith, The Knights of St John in Jerusalem and Cyprus, 1050–1310 (London, 1967); H. Nicholson, The Knights Hospitaller (Woodbridge, 2001); A. Forey, The Military Orders. From the Twelfth to the Early Fourteenth Centuries (London, 1992). On castles in the crusader states during the twelfth century see: Smail, Crusading Warfare, pp. 204–50; H. Kennedy, Crusader Castles (Cambridge, 1994); R. Ellenblum, ‘Three generations of Frankish castle-building in the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem’, Autour de la Première Croisade, ed. M. Balard (Paris, 1996), pp. 517–51.
Lilie, Byzantium and the Crusader States, pp. 109–41; Harris, Byzantium and the Crusades, pp. 74–92.
William of Tyre, p. 656; H. E. Mayer, ‘The Concordat of Nablus’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, vol. 33 (1982), pp. 531–43. On Outremer’s relations with western Europe in the period see: J. P. Phillips, Defenders of the Holy Land. Relations between the Latin West and East, 1119–87 (Oxford, 1996). On the progress and consequences of the dispute between King Fulk and Queen Melisende see: H. E. Mayer, ‘Studies in the History of Queen Melisende of Jerusalem’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, vol. 26 (1972), pp. 93–183; H. E. Mayer, ‘Angevins versus Normans: The New Men of King Fulk of Jerusalem’, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, vol. 133 (1989), pp. 1–25; H. E. Mayer, ‘The Wheel of Fortune: Seignorial Vicissitudes under Kings Fulk and Baldwin III of Jerusalem’, Speculum, vol. 65 (1990), pp. 860–77; B. Hamilton, ‘Women in the Crusader States. The Queens of Jerusalem (1100–1190)’, Medieval Women, ed. D. Baker (Studies in Church History, Subsidia, 1) (1978), pp. 143–74; J. S. C. Riley-Smith, ‘King Fulk of Jerusalem and “the Sultan of Babylon”’, Montjoie: Studies in Crusade History in Honour of Hans Eberhard Mayer, ed. B. Z. Kedar, J. S. C. Riley-Smith and R. Hiestand (Aldershot, 1997), pp. 55–66.
Melisende Psalter, Egerton 1139, MS London, British Library; J. Folda, The Art of the Crusaders in the Holy Land, 1098–1187 (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 137–63; L.-A. Hunt, ‘Melisende Psalter’, The Crusades: An Encyclopaedia, ed. A. Murray, vol. 3 (Santa Barbara, 2006), pp. 815–17. On crusader art in general see: J. Folda, Crusader Art in the Twelfth Century (Oxford, 1982); J. Folda, The Nazareth Capitals and the Crusader Shrine of the Annunciation (University Park, PA, 1986); J. Folda, The Art of the Crusaders in the Holy Land, 1098–1187 (Cambridge, 1995); J. Folda, ‘Art in the Latin East, 1098–1291’, The Oxford Illustrated History of the Crusades, ed. J. S. C. Riley-Smith (Oxford, 1995), pp. 141–59; J. Folda, ‘Crusader Art. A multicultural phenomenon: Historiographical reflections’, Autour de la Première Croisade, ed. M. Balard (Paris, 1996), pp. 609–15; J. Folda, Crusader Art in the Holy Land, 1187–1291 (Cambridge, 2005); J. Folda, Crusader Art: The Art of the Crusaders in the Holy Land, 1099–1291 (Aldershot, 2008); H. W. Hazard (ed.), Art and Architecture of the Crusader States (History of the Crusades, vol. 4) (Madison, Wis., 1977); L.-A. Hunt, ‘Art and Colonialism: The Mosaics of the Church of the Nativity at Bethlehem and the Problem of Crusader Art’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, vol. 45 (1991), pp. 65–89; N. Kenaan-Kedar, ‘Local Christian Art in Twelfth-century Jerusalem’, Israel Exploration Journal, vol. 23 (1973), pp. 167–75, 221–9; B. Kühnel, Crusader Art of the Twelfth Century (Berlin, 1994); G. Kühnel, Wall Painting in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (Berlin, 1988).
83 In the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the crusader states were commonly interpreted, in a positive light, as a form of proto-colonialism. Particularly among French scholars such as Emmanuel Rey, the forces of integration, adaptation and acculturation were emphasised, and Outremer was painted as a glorious Franco-Syrian nation. In contrast, by the mid-twentieth century the opposite viewpoint was being championed by the likes of the Israeli academic Joshua Prawer: the crusader states were presented as oppressive, intolerant colonial regimes in which Latin conquerors exploited the Levant for their own material benefit and that of their western European homelands, while staunchly maintaining their own Frankish identity through the imposition of an apartheid-like separation from the indigenous population. E. G. Rey, Les Colonies Franques de Syrie au XIIe et XIIIe siècles (Paris, 1883); J. Prawer, ‘Colonisation activities in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem’, Revue Belge de Philologie et d’Histoire, vol. 29 (1951), pp. 1063–1118; J. Prawer, The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem: European Colonialism in the Middle Ages (London, 1972); J. Prawer, ‘The Roots of Medieval Colonialism’, The Meeting of Two Worlds: Cultural Exchange between East and West during the Period of the Crusades, ed. V. P. Goss (Kalamazoo, 1986), pp. 23–38. For the record of an illuminating symposium on this issue held in 1987 see: ‘The Crusading kingdom of Jerusalem–The first European colonial society?’, The Horns of Hattin, ed. B. Z. Kedar (Jerusalem, 1992), pp. 341–66. For more up-to-date overviews see: Jotischky, Crusading and the Crusader States, pp. 123–54; Ellenblum, Crusader Castles and Modern Histories, pp. 3–31.
Fulcher of Chartres, p. 748. In exceptional circumstances, Muslim nobles might even be granted land within a crusader state. One such figure, Abd al-Rahim, gained the friendship of Alan, lord of al-Atharib, after 1111, and was granted possession of a nearby village and served as an administrator on the principality of Antioch’s eastern frontier. R. Ellenblum, Frankish Rural Settlement in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (Cambridge, 1998); H. E. Mayer, ‘Latins, Muslims and Greeks in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem’, History, vol. 63 (1978), pp. 175–92; B. Z. Kedar, ‘The Subjected Muslims of the Frankish Levant’, Muslims under Latin Rule, ed. J. M. Powell (Princeton, 1990), pp. 135–74; Asbridge, ‘The “crusader” community at Antioch’, pp. 313–16; J. S. C. Riley-Smith, ‘The Survival in Latin Palestine of Muslim Administration’, The Eastern Mediterranean Lands in the Period of the Crusades, ed. P. Holt (Warminster, 1977), pp. 9–22.
Usama ibn Munqidh, The Book of Contemplation, trans. P. M. Cobb (London, 2008), pp. 144, 147, 153. On Usama’s life and work see: R. Irwin, ‘Usamah ibn-Munqidh, an Arab-Syrian gentleman at the time of the crusades’, The Crusades and Their Sources: Essays Presented to Bernard Hamilton, ed. J. France and W. G. Zajac (1998), pp. 71–87; P. M. Cobb, Usama ibn Munqidh: Warrior-Poet of the Age of the Crusades (Oxford, 2005); P. M. Cobb, ‘Usama ibn Munqidh’s Book of the Staff: Autobiographical and historical excerpts’, Al-Masaq, vol. 17 (2005), pp. 109–23; P. M. Cobb, ‘Usama ibn Munqidh’s Kernels of Refinement (Lubab al-Adab): Autobiographical and historical excerpts’, Al-Masaq, vol. 18 (2006); N. Christie, ‘Just a bunch of dirty stories? Women in the memoirs of Usamah ibn Munqidh’, Eastward Bound: Travel and Travellers, 1050–1550, ed. R. Allen (Manchester, 2004), pp. 71–87. Alongside this adoption of customs there appears to have been some adaptation of dress to suit the Levantine climate–including greater use of silk by the aristocracy and high clergy–but this was not universal. Frankish envoys from Outremer visiting the great Muslim leader Saladin in February 1193 were said to have scared the sultan’s infant son to tears because of ‘their shaven chins and their cropped heads and the unusual clothes they were wearing’. Baha al-Din Ibn Shaddad, The Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, trans. D. S. Richards (Aldershot, 2001), p. 239.
Ibn Jubayr, pp. 316–17, 321–2. It has to be noted, however, that Ibn Jubayr travelled through only a small corner of Outremer, and that this section of his journey took only a few weeks; so his testimony may not be wholly representative. It is also clear that he wrote his account in part to advocate fairer treatment for Muslim peasants living under Moorish rule in Spain, so he may even have sanitised his description of Latin lordship.
In 1978 Hans Mayer concluded that ‘Muslims [in the kingdom of Jerusalem certainly] had no freedom of worship’ (Mayer, ‘Latins, Muslims and Greeks in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem’, p. 186), but his analysis has since been rebutted convincingly (Kedar, ‘The Subjected Muslims of the Frankish Levant’, pp. 138–9). Not all Muslims residing in Outremer were peasants or farmers: in Nablus, for example, Usama ibn Munqidh stayed at a Muslim-run inn. Nonetheless, some Muslim Hanbali peasant villagers living near Nablus (and within the lordship of Baldwin of Ibelin) decided to leave Frankish territory as refugees and resettle in Damascus in the 1150s. The Muslim chronicler Diya al-Din recorded that Baldwin increased the poll tax imposed on the villagers fourfold (from one to four dinars), and that ‘he also used to mutilate their legs’. It is worth noting, however, that Hanbalis held particularly hard-line views regarding the Franks and even Diya al-Din acknowledged that the group’s leader ‘was the first to emigrate out of fear for his life and because he was unable to practise his religion’. J. Drory, ‘Hanbalis of the Nablus region in the eleventh and twelfth centuries’, Asian and African Studies, vol. 22 (1988), pp. 93–112; D. Talmon-Heller, ‘Arabic sources on Muslim villagers under Frankish rule’, From Clermont to Jerusalem. The Crusades and Crusader Society, 1095–1500, ed. A. Murray (Turnhout, 1998), pp. 103–17; D. Talmon-Heller, ‘The Shaykh and the Community: Popular Hanbalite Islam in 12th–13th Century Jabal Nablus and Jabal Qasyun’, Studia Islamica, vol. 79 (1994), pp. 103–20; D. Talmon-Heller, ‘“The Cited Tales of the Wondrous Doings of the Shaykhs of the Holy Land” by Diya’ al-Din Abu ‘Abd Allah Muhammad b. ‘Abd al-Wahid al-Maqdisi (569/1173–643/1245): Text, Translation and Commentary’, Crusades, vol. 1 (2002), pp. 111–54.