Текст книги "Literary History of the Arabs "

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240 Vv. 27-31.

241 The order of these verses in Lyall's edition is as follows: 56, 57, 54, 50, 55, 53, 49, 47, 48, 52, 58.

242 Reference has been made above to the old Arabian belief that poets owed their inspiration to the jinn(genii), who are sometimes called shayátín(satans). See Goldziher, Abhand. zur arab. Philologie, Part I, pp. 1-14.

243 Vv. 1-10 (Lyall), omitting v. 5.

244 Vv. 55-60 (Lyall).

245 The term nábighais applied to a poet whose genius is slow in declaring itself but at last "jets forth vigorously and abundantly" ( nabagha).

246 Díwán, ed. by Derenbourg, p. 83; Nöldeke's Delectus, p. 96.

247 He means to say that Nu‘mán has no reason to feel aggrieved because he (Nábigha) is grateful to the Ghassánids for their munificent patronage; since Nu‘mán does not consider that his own favourites, in showing gratitude to himself, are thereby guilty of treachery towards their former patrons.

248 Diwán, ed. by Derenbourg, p. 76, ii, 21. In another place (p. 81, vi, 6) he says, addressing his beloved:—

"Wadd give thee greeting! for dalliance with women is lawful to me no more, Since Religion has become a serious matter."

Wadd was a god worshipped by the pagan Arabs. Derenbourg's text has rabbí, i.e., Allah, but see Nöldeke's remarks in Z.D.M.G., vol. xli (1887), p. 708.

249 Aghání, viii, 85, last line-86, l. 10.

250 Lyall, Ten Ancient Arabic Poems, p. 146 seq., vv. 25-31.

251 Ahlwardt, The Divans, p. 106, vv. 8-10.

252 Ḥamása, p. 382, l. 17.

253 Nöldeke, Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Poesie der alten Araber, p. 152.

254 Nöldeke, ibid., p. 175.

255 The original title is al-Mukhtárát(The Selected Odes) or al-Ikhtiyárát(The Selections).

256 Oxford, 1918-21. The Indexes of personal and place-names, poetical quotations, and selected words were prepared by Professor Bevan and published in 1924 in the E. J. W. Gibb Memorial Series.

257 Ibn Khallikán, ed. by Wüstenfeld, No. 350 = De Slane's translation, vol. ii, p. 51.

258 See Nöldeke, Beiträge, p. 183 sqq. There would seem to be comparatively few poems of Pre-islamic date in Buḥturí's anthology.

259 Ibn Khallikán, ed. by Wüstenfeld, No. 204 = De Slane's translation, vol. i, p. 470.

260 Many interesting details concerning the tradition of Pre-islamic poetry by the Ráwísand the Philologists will be found in Ahlwardt's Bemerkungen ueber die Aechtheit der alten Arabischen Gedichte(Greifswald, 1872), which has supplied materials for the present sketch.

261 Aghání, v, 172, l. 16 sqq.

262 This view, however, is in accordance neither with the historical facts nor with the public opinion of the Pre-islamic Arabs (see Nöldeke, Die Semitischen Sprachen, p. 47).

263 See Wellhausen, Reste Arab. Heidentums(2nd ed.), p. 88 seq.

264 Ḥamása, 506.

265 Ibid., 237.

266 Díwánof Imru’u ’l-Qays, ed. by De Slane, p. 22 of the Arabic text, l. 17 sqq. = No. 52, ll. 57-59 (p. 154) in Ahlwardt's Divans of the Six Poets. With the last line, however, cf.the words of Qays b. al-Khaṭím on accomplishing his vengeance: " When this death comes, there will not be found any need of my soul that I have not satisfied" ( Ḥamása, 87).

267 Aghání, ii, 18, l. 23 sqq.

268 Aghání, ii, 34, l. 22 sqq.

269 See Von Kremer, Ueber die Gedichte des Labydin S.B.W.A., Phil.-Hist. Klasse(Vienna, 1881), vol. 98, p. 555 sqq. Sir Charles Lyall, Ancient Arabian Poetry, pp. 92 and 119. Wellhausen, Reste Arabischen Heidentums(2nd ed.), p. 224 sqq.

270 I prefer to retain the customary spelling instead of Qur’án, as it is correctly transliterated by scholars. Arabic words naturalised in English, like Koran, Caliph, Vizier, &c., require no apology.

271 Muir's Life of Mahomet, Introduction, p. 2 seq. I may as well say at once that I entirely disagree with the view suggested in this passage that Muḥammad did not believe himself to be inspired.

272 The above details are taken from the Fihrist, ed. by G. Fluegel, p. 24, l. 14 sqq.

273 Muir, op. cit., Introduction, p. 14.

274 With the exception of the Opening Súra ( al-Fátiḥa), which is a short prayer.

275 Sprenger, Ueber das Traditionswesen bei den Arabern, Z.D.M.G., vol. x, p. 2.

276 Quoted by Sprenger, loc. cit., p. 1.

277 Quoted by Nöldeke in the Introduction to his Geschichte des Qorâns, p 22.

278 See especially pp. 28-130.

279 Muhamm. Studien, Part II, p. 48 seq.

280 The reader may consult Muir's Introduction to his Life of Mahomet, pp. 28-87.

281 Ibn Hishám, p. 105, l. 9 sqq.

282 This legend seems to have arisen out of a literal interpretation of Koran, xciv, 1, " Did we not open thy breast?"– i.e., give thee comfort or enlightenment.

283 This name, which may signify 'Baptists,' was applied by the heathen Arabs to Muḥammad and his followers, probably in consequence of the ceremonial ablutions which are incumbent upon every Moslem before the five daily prayers (see Wellhausen, Reste Arab. Heid., p. 237).

284 Sir Charles Lyall, The Words 'Ḥaníf' and 'Muslim,' J.R.A.S.for 1903, p. 772. The original meaning of ḥaniacute;fis no longer traceable, but it may be connected with the Hebrew ḥánéf, 'profane.' In the Koran it generally refers to the religion of Abraham, and sometimes appears to be nearly synonymous with Muslim. Further information concerning the Ḥanífs will be found in Sir Charles Lyall's article cited above; Sprenger, Das Leben und die Lehre des Moḥammed, vol. i, pp. 45-134; Wellhausen, Reste Arab. Heid., p. 238 sqq.; Caetani, Annali dell' Islam, vol. i, pp. 181-192.

285 Ibn Hishám, p. 143, l. 6 sqq.

286 Agháni, iii, 187, l. 17 sqq.

287 See p. 69 supra.

288 Tradition associates him especially with Waraqa, who was a cousin of his first wife, Khadíja, and is said to have hailed him as a prophet while Muḥammad himself was still hesitating (Ibn Hishám, p. 153, l. 14 sqq.).

289 This is the celebrated 'Night of Power' ( Laylatu ’l-Qadr) mentioned in the Koran, xcvii, 1.

290 The Holy Ghost ( Rúḥu’l-Quds), for whom in the Medína Súras Gabriel (Jibríl) is substituted.

291 But another version (Ibn Hishám, p. 152, l. 9 sqq.) represents Muḥammad as replying to the Angel, "What am I to read?" ( má aqra’u or má dhá aqra’u). Professor Bevan has pointed out to me that the tradition in this form bears a curious resemblance, which can hardly be accidental, to the words of Isaiah xl. 6: "The voice said, Cry. And he said, What shall I cry?" The question whether the Prophet could read and write is discussed by Nöldeke ( Geschichte des Qorâns, p. 7 sqq.), who leaves it undecided. According to Nöldeke ( loc. cit., p. 10), the epithet ummí, which is applied to Muḥammad in the Koran, and is commonly rendered by 'illiterate,' does not signify that he was ignorant of reading and writing, but only that he was unacquainted with the ancient Scriptures; cf.'Gentile.' However this may be, it appears that he wished to pass for illiterate, with the object of confirming the belief in his inspiration: " Thou" (Muḥammad) " didst not use to read any book before this" (the Koran) " nor to write it with thy right hand; else the liars would have doubted(Koran, xxix, 47).

292 The meaning of these words ( iqra’ bismi rabbika) is disputed. Others translate, "Preach in the name of thy Lord" (Nöldeke), or "Proclaim the name of thy Lord" (Hirschfeld). I see no sufficient grounds for abandoning the traditional interpretation supported by verses 4 and 5. Muḥammad dreamed that he was commanded to read the Word of God inscribed in the Heavenly Book which is the source of all Revelation.

293 Others render, "who taught (the use of) the Pen."

294 This account of Muḥammad's earliest vision (Bukhárí, ed. by Krehl, vol. iii, p. 380, l. 2 sqq.) is derived from ‘A’isha, his favourite wife, whom he married after the death of Khadíja.

295 Ibn Hishám, p. 152, l. 9 sqq.

296 See p. 72 supra.

297 This interval is known as the Fatra.

298 Literally, 'warn.'

299 'The abomination' ( al-rujz) probably refers to idolatry.

300 Literally, "The Last State shall be better for thee than the First," referring either to Muḥammad's recompense in the next world or to the ultimate triumph of his cause in this world.

301 Islámis a verbal noun formed from Aslama, which means 'to surrender' and, in a religious sense, 'to surrender one's self to the will of God.' The participle, Muslim(Moslem), denotes one who thus surrenders himself.

302 Sprenger, Leben des Mohammad, vol. i, p. 356.

303 It must be remembered that this branch of Muḥammadan tradition derives from the pietists of the first century after the Flight, who were profoundly dissatisfied with the reigning dynasty (the Umayyads), and revenged themselves by painting the behaviour of the Meccan ancestors of the Umayyads towards Muḥammad in the blackest colours possible. The facts tell another story. It is significant that hardly any case of real persecution is mentioned in the Koran. Muḥammad was allowed to remain at Mecca and to carry on, during many years, a religious propaganda which his fellow-citizens, with few exceptions, regarded as detestable and dangerous. We may well wonder at the moderation of the Quraysh, which, however, was not so much deliberate policy as the result of their indifference to religion and of Muḥammad's failure to make appreciable headway in Mecca.

304 Ibn Hishám, p. 168, l. 9. sqq.

305 At this time Muḥammad believed the doctrines of Islam and Christianity to be essentially the same.

306 Ṭabarí, i, 1180, 8 sqq. Cf.Caetani, Annali dell' Islam, vol. i, p. 267 sqq.

307 Muir, Life of Mahomet, vol. ii, p. 151.

308 We have seen (p. 91 supra) that the heathen Arabs disliked female offspring, yet they called their three principal deities the daughters of Allah.

309 It is related by Ibn Isḥáq (Ṭabarí, i, 1192, 4 sqq.). In his learned work, Annali dell' Islam, of which the first volume appeared in 1905, Prince Caetani impugns the authenticity of the tradition and criticises the narrative in detail (p. 279 sqq.), but his arguments do not touch the main question. As Muir says, "it is hardly possible to conceive how the tale, if not founded in truth, could ever have been invented."

310 The Meccan view of Muḥammad's action may be gathered from the words uttered by Abú Jahl on the field of Badr—"O God, bring woe upon him who more than any of us hath severed the ties of kinship and dealt dishonourably!" (Ṭabarí, i, 1322, l. 8 seq.). Alluding to the Moslems who abandoned their native city and fled with the Prophet to Medína, a Meccan poet exclaims (Ibn Hishám, p. 519, ll. 3-5):—

They(the Quraysh slain at Badr) fell in honour. They did not sell their kinsmen for strangers living in a far land and of remote lineage;

Unlike you, who have made friends of Ghassán(the people of Medína), taking them instead of us—O, what a shameful deed!

Tis an impiety and a manifest crime and a cutting of all ties of blood: your iniquity therein is discerned by men of judgment and understanding.

311 Súrais properly a row of stones or bricks in a wall.

312 See p. 74 supra.

313 Koran, lxix, 41.

314 Nöldeke, Geschichte des Qorâns, p. 56.

315 I.e., what it has done or left undone.

316 The Last Judgment.

317 Moslems believe that every man is attended by two Recording Angels who write down his good and evil actions.

318 This is generally supposed to refer to the persecution of the Christians of Najrán by Dhú Nuwás (see p. 26 supra). Geiger takes it as an allusion to the three men who were cast into the fiery furnace (Daniel, ch. iii).

319 See above, p. 3.

320 According to Muḥammadan belief, the archetype of the Koran and of all other Revelations is written on the Guarded Table ( al-Lawḥ al-Maḥfúẓ) in heaven.

321 Koran, xvii, 69.

322 See, for example, the passages translated by Lane in his Selections from the Kur-án(London, 1843), pp. 100-113.

323 Ikhláṣmeans 'purifying one's self of belief in any god except Allah.'

324 The Prophet's confession of his inability to perform miracles did not deter his followers from inventing them after his death. Thus it was said that he caused the infidels to see "the moon cloven asunder" (Koran, liv, I), though, as is plain from the context, these words refer to one of the signs of the Day of Judgment.

325 I take this opportunity of calling the reader's attention to a most interesting article by my friend and colleague, Professor A. A. Bevan, entitled The Beliefs of Early Mohammedans respecting a Future Existence( Journal of Theological Studies, October, 1904, p. 20 sqq.), where the whole subject is fully discussed.

326 Shaddád b. al-Aswad al-Laythí, quoted in the Risálatu ’l-Ghufránof Abu ’l-‘Alá al-Ma‘arrí (see my article in the J.R.A.S.for 1902, pp. 94 and 818); cf.Ibn Hishám, p. 530, last line. Ibn (Abí) Kabsha was a nickname derisively applied to Muḥammad. Ṣadáand hámarefer to the death-bird which was popularly supposed to utter its shriek from the skull ( háma) of the dead, and both words may be rendered by 'soul' or 'wraith.'

327 Nöldeke, Geschichte des Qorâns, p. 78.

328 Cf.also Koran, xviii, 45-47; xx, 102 sqq.; xxxix, 67 sqq.; lxix, 13-37.

329 The famous freethinker, Abu ’l-‘Alá al-Ma‘arrí, has cleverly satirised Muḥammadan notions on this subject in his Risálatu ’l-Ghufrán( J.R.A.S.for October, 1900, p. 637 sqq.).

330 Journal of Theological Studiesfor October, 1904, p. 22.

331 Ibn Hishám, p. 411, l. 6 sqq.

332 Ibid., p. 347.

333 L. Caetani, Annali dell' Islam, vol. 1, p. 389.

334 Nöldeke, Geschichte des Qorâns, p. 122.

335 Translated by E. H. Palmer.

336 Ibn Hishám, p. 341, l. 5.

337 Muḥammad's Gemeindeordnung von Medina in Skizzen und Vorarbeiten, Heft IV, p. 67 sqq.

338 Ibn Hishám, p. 763, l. 12.

339 Koran, ii, 256, translated by E. H. Palmer.

340 Muhamm. Studien, Part I, p. 12.

341 See Goldziher's introductory chapter entitled Muruwwa und Dîn( ibid., pp. 1-39).

342 Bayḍáwí on Koran, xxii, 11.

343 Die Berufung Mohammed's, by M. J. de Goeje in Nöldeke-Festschrift(Giessen, 1906), vol. i, p. 5.

344 On the Origin and Import of the Names Muslim and Ḥaníf( J.R.A.S.for 1903, p. 491)

345 See T. W. Arnold's The Preaching of Islam, p. 23 seq., where several passages of like import are collected.

346 Nöldeke, Sketches from Eastern History, translated by J. S. Black, p. 73.

347 See Professor Browne's Literary History of Persia, vol. i, p. 200 sqq.

348 Ṭabarí, i, 2729, l. 15 sqq.

349 Ibid., i, 2736, l. 5 sqq. The words in italics are quoted from Koran, xxviii, 26, where they are applied to Moses.

350 ‘Umar was the first to assume this title ( Amíru ’l-Mu’minín), by which the Caliphs after him were generally addressed.

351 Ṭabarí, i, 2738, 7 sqq.

352 Ibid., i, 2739, 4 sqq.

353 Ibid., i, 2737, 4 sqq.

354 It is explained that ‘Umar prohibited lamps because rats used to take the lighted wick and set fire to the house-roofs, which at that time were made of palm-branches.

355 Ṭabarí, i, 2742, 13 sqq.

356 Ibid., i, 2745, 15 sqq.

357 Ibid., i, 2747, 7 sqq.

358 Ibid., i, 2740, last line and foll.

359 Al-Fakhrí, ed. by Derenbourg, p. 116, l. 1 to p. 117, l. 3.

360 Ṭabarí, i, 2751, 9 sqq.

361 Ibn Khallikán (ed. by Wüstenfeld), No. 68, p. 96, l. 3; De Slane's translation, vol. i, p. 152.

362 Mu‘áwiya himself said: "I am the first of the kings" (Ya‘qúbí, ed. by Houtsma, vol. ii, p. 276, l. 14).

363 Al-Fakhrí, ed. by Derenbourg, p. 145.

364 Ya‘qúbí, vol. ii, p. 283, l. 8 seq.

365 Mas‘údí, Murúju ’l-Dhahab (ed. by Barbier de Meynard), vol. v. p. 77.

366 Nöldeke's Delectus, p. 25, l. 3 sqq., omitting l. 8.

367 The Continuatioof Isidore of Hispalis, ˜ 27, quoted by Wellhausen, Das Arabische Reich und sein Sturz, p. 105.

368 Ḥamása, 226. The word translated 'throne' is in Arabic minbar, i.e., the pulpit from which the Caliph conducted the public prayers and addressed the congregation.

369 Kalb was properly one of the Northern tribes (see Robertson Smith's Kinship and Marriage, 2nd ed., p. 8 seq.—a reference which I owe to Professor Bevan), but there is evidence that the Kalbites were regarded as 'Yemenite' or 'Southern' Arabs at an early period of Islam. Cf.Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien, Part I, p. 83, l. 3 sqq.

370 Muhammedanische Studien, i, 78 sqq.

371 Qaḥṭán is the legendary ancestor of the Southern Arabs.

372 Aghání, xiii, 51, cited by Goldziher, ibid., p. 82.

373 A verse of the poet Suḥaym b. Wathíl.

374 The Kámilof al-Mubarrad, ed. by W. Wright, p. 215, l. 14 sqq.

375 Ibn Qutayba, Kitábu ‘l-Ma‘árif, p. 202.

376 Al-Fakhrí, p. 173; Ibnu ’l-Athír, ed. by Tornberg, v, 5.

377 Ibid., p. 174. Cf.Mas‘údi, Murúju ’l-Dhahab, v, 412.

378 His mother, Umm ‘Áṣim, was a granddaughter of ‘Umar I.

379 Mas‘údí, Murúju ’l-Dhahab, v, 419 seq.

380 Ibnu ’l-Athír, ed. by Tornberg, v, 46. Cf. Agání, xx, p. 119, l. 23. ‘Umar made an exception, as Professor Bevan reminds me, in favour of the poet Jarír. See Brockelmann's Gesch. der Arab. Litteratur, vol. i, p. 57.

381 The exhaustive researches of Wellhausen, Das Arabische Reich und sein Sturz(pp. 169-192) have set this complicated subject in a new light. He contends that ‘Umar's reform was not based on purely ideal grounds, but was demanded by the necessities of the case, and that, so far from introducing disorder into the finances, his measures were designed to remedy the confusion which already existed.

382 Mas‘údí, Murúju ’l-Dhahab, v, 479.

383 The Arabic text and literal translation of these verses will be found in my article on Abu ’l-‘Alá's Risálatu ’l-Ghufrán( J.R.A.S.for 1902, pp. 829 and 342).

384 Wellhausen, Das Arabische Reich und sein Sturz, p. 38.

385 I.e., the main body of Moslems– Sunnís, followers of the Sunna, as they were afterwards called—who were neither Shí‘ites nor Khárijites, but held (1) that the Caliph must be elected by the Moslem community, and (2) that he must be a member of Quraysh, the Prophet's tribe. All these parties arose out of the struggle between ‘Alí and Mu‘áwiya, and their original difference turned solely of the question of the Caliphate.

386 Brünnow, Die Charidschiten unter den ersten Omayyaden(Leiden, 1884), p. 28. It is by no means certain, however, that the Khárijites called themselves by this name. In any case, the term implies secession( khurúj) from the Moslem community, and may be rendered by 'Seceder' or 'Nonconformist.'

387 Cf.Koran, ix, 112.

388 Brünnow, op. cit., p. 8.

389 Wellhausen, Die religiös-politischen Oppositionsparteien im alten Islam( Abhandlungen der Königl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Phil.-Hist. Klasse, 1901), p. 8 sqq. The writer argues against Brünnow that the oldest Khárijites were not true Bedouins ( A‘rábí), and were, in fact, even further removed than the rest of the military colonists of Kúfa and Baṣra from their Bedouin traditions. He points out that the extreme piety of the Readers—their constant prayers, vigils, and repetitions of the Koran—exactly agrees with what is related of the Khárijites, and is described in similar language. Moreover, among the oldest Khárijites we find mention made of a company clad in long cloaks ( baránis, pl. of burnus), which were at that time a special mark of asceticism. Finally, the earliest authority (Abú Mikhnaf in Ṭabarí, i, 3330, l. 6 sqq.) regards the Khárijites as an offshoot from the Readers, and names individual Readers who afterwards became rabid Khárijites.

390 Later, when many non-Arab Moslems joined the Khárijite ranks the field of choice was extended so as to include foreigners and even slaves.

391 Ṭabarí, ii, 40, 13 sqq.

392 Shahrastání, ed. by Cureton, Part I, p. 88. l. 12.

393 Ibid., p. 86, l. 3 from foot.

394 Ṭabarí, ii, 36, ll. 7, 8, 11-16.

395 Ḥamása, 44.

396 Ibn Khallikán, ed. by Wüstenfeld, No. 555, p. 55, l. 4 seq.; De Slane's translation, vol. ii, p. 523.

397 Dozy, Essai sur l'histoire de l'Islamisme(French translation by Victor Chauvin), p. 219 sqq.

398 Wellhausen thinks that the dogmatics of the Shí‘ites are derived from Jewish rather than from Persian sources. See his account of the Saba’ites in his most instructive paper, to which I have already referred, Die religiös-politischen Oppositionsparteien im alten Islam( Abh. der König. Ges. der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Phil.-Hist. Klasse, 1901), p. 89 sqq.

399 Ṭabarí, i, 2942, 2.

400 " Verily, He who hath ordained the Koran for thee( i.e., for Muḥammad) will bring thee back to a place of return" ( i.e., to Mecca). The ambiguity of the word meaning 'place of return' ( ma‘ád) gave some colour to Ibn Sabá's contention that it alluded to the return of Muḥammad at the end of the world. The descent of Jesus on earth is reckoned by Moslems among the greater signs which will precede the Resurrection.

401 This is a Jewish idea. ‘Alí stands in the same relation to Muḥammad as Aaron to Moses.

402 Ṭabarí, loc. cit.

403 Shahrastání, ed. by Cureton, p. 132, l. 15.

404 Aghání, viii, 32, l. 17 sqq. The three sons of ‘Alí are Ḥasan, Ḥusayn, and Muḥammad Ibnu ’l-Ḥanafiyya.

405 Concerning the origin of these sects see Professor Browne's Lit. Hist. of Persia, vol. i, p. 295 seq.

406 See Darmesteter's interesting essay, Le Mahdi depuis les origines de l'Islam jusqu’à nos jours (Paris, 1885). The subject is treated more scientifically by Snouck Hurgronje in his paper Der Mahdi, reprinted from the Revue coloniale internationale(1886).

407 Ṣiddíqmeans 'veracious.' Professor Bevan remarks that in this root the notion of 'veracity' easily passes into that of 'endurance,' 'fortitude.'

408 Ṭabarí, ii, 546. These 'Penitents' were free Arabs of Kúfa, a fact which, as Wellhausen has noticed, would seem to indicate that the ta‘ziyais Semitic in origin.

409 Wellhausen, Die religiös-politischen Oppositionsparteien, p. 79.

410 Ṭabarí, ii, 650, l. 7 sqq.

411 Shahrastání, Haarbrücker's translation, Part I, p. 169.

412 Von Kremer, Culturgeschicht. Streifzüge, p. 2 sqq.

413 The best account of the early Murjites that has hitherto appeared is contained in a paper by Van Vloten, entitled Irdjâ( Z.D.M.G., vol. 45, p. 161 sqq.). The reader may also consult Shahrastání, Haarbrücker's trans., Part I, p. 156 sqq.; Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien, Part II, p. 89 sqq.; Van Vloten, La domination Arabe, p. 31 seq.

414 Van Vloten thinks that in the name 'Murjite' ( murji’) there is an allusion to Koran, ix, 107: " And others are remanded (murjawna) until God shall decree; whether He shall punish them or take pity on them—for God is knowing and wise."

415 Cf.the poem of Thábit Quṭna ( Z.D.M.G., loc. cit., p. 162), which states the whole Murjite doctrine in popular form. The author, who was himself a Murjite, lived in Khurásán during the latter half of the first century a.h.

416 Van Vloten, La domination Arabe, p. 29 sqq.

417 Ibn Ḥazm, cited in Z.D.M.G., vol. 45, p. 169, n. 7. Jahm (õ about 747 a.d.) was a Persian, as might be inferred from the boldness of his speculations.

418 Ḥasan himself inclined for a time to the doctrine of free-will, but afterwards gave it up (Ibn Qutayba, Kitábu ’l-Ma‘árif, p. 225). He is said to have held that everything happens by fate, except sin ( Al-Mu‘tazilah, ed. by T. W. Arnold, p. 12, l. 3 from foot). See, however, Shahrastání, Haarbrücker's trans., Part I, p. 46.

419 Koran, lxxiv, 41.

420 Ibid., xli, 46.

421 Kitábu ’l-Ma‘árif, p. 301. Those who held the doctrine of free-will were called the Qadarites ( al-Qadariyya), from qadar(power), which may denote (1) the power of God to determine human actions, and (2) the power of man to determine his own actions. Their opponents asserted that men act under compulsion ( jabr); hence they were called the Jabarites ( al-Jabariyya).

422 As regards Ghaylán see Al-Mu‘tazilah, ed. by T. W. Arnold, p. 15, l. 16 sqq.

423 Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. iii, p. 642; Shahrastání, trans. by Haarbrücker, Part I, p. 44.

424 Sha‘rání, Lawáqihu ’l-Anwár(Cairo, 1299 a.h.), p. 31.

425 Ibid.

426 See Von Kremer, Herrschende Ideen, p. 52 sqq.; Goldziher, Materialien zur Entwickelungsgesch. des Súfismus( Vienna Oriental Journal, vol. 13, p. 35 sqq.).

427 Sha‘rání, Lawáqiḥ, p. 38.

428 Qushayrí's Risála(1287 a.h.), p. 77, l. 10.

429 Tadhkiratu ’l-Awliyáof Farídu’ddín ‘Aṭṭár, Part I, p. 37, l. 8 of my edition.

430 Kámil(ed. by Wright), p. 57, l. 16.

431 The point of this metaphor lies in the fact that Arab horses were put on short commons during the period of training, which usually began forty days before the race.

432 Kámil, p. 57, last line.

433 Kámil, p. 58, l. 14.

434 Ibid., p. 67, l. 9.

435 Ibid., p. 91, l. 14.

436 Ibid., p. 120, l. 4.

437 Qushayrí's Risála, p. 63, last line.

438 It is noteworthy that Qushayrí (õ 1073 a.d.), one of the oldest authorities on Ṣúfiism, does not include Ḥasan among the Ṣúfí Shaykhs whose biographies are given in the Risála(pp. 8-35), and hardly mentions him above half a dozen times in the course of his work. The sayings of Ḥasan which he cites are of the same character as those preserved in the Kámil.

439 See Nöldeke's article, 'Ṣūfī,' in Z.D.M.G., vol. 48, p. 45.

440 An allusion to ṣafáoccurs in thirteen out of the seventy definitions of Ṣúfí and Ṣúfiism ( Taṣawwuf) which are contained in the Tadhkiratu ’l-Awliyá, or 'Memoirs of the Saints,' of the well-known Persian mystic, Farídu’ddín ‘Aṭṭár (õ  circa1230 a.d.), whereas ṣúf is mentioned only twice.

441 Said by Bishr al-Ḥáfí (the bare-footed), who died in 841-842 a.d.

442 Said by Junayd of Baghdád (õ 909-910 a.d.), one of the most celebrated Ṣúfí Shaykhs.

443 Ibn Khaldún's Muqaddima(Beyrout, 1900), p. 467 = vol. iii, p. 85 seq. of the French translation by De Slane. The same things are said at greater length by Suhrawardí in his ‘Awárifu ’l-Ma‘árif (printed on the margin of Ghazálí's Iḥyá, Cairo, 1289 a.h.), vol. i, p. 172 et seqq. Cf.also the passage from Qushayrí translated by Professor E. G. Browne on pp. 297-298 of vol. i. of his Literary History of Persia.

444 Suhrawardí, loc. cit., p. 136 seq.

445 Loc. cit., p. 145.

446 I.e., he yields himself unreservedly to the spiritual 'state' ( aḥwál) which pass over him, according as God wills.

447 Possibly Ibráhím was one of the Shikaftiyyaor 'Cave-dwellers' of Khurásán ( shikaftmeans 'cave' in Persian), whom the people of Syria called al-Jú‘íyya, i.e., 'the Fasters.' See Suhrawardí, loc. cit., p. 171.

448 Ghazálí, Iḥyá(Cairo, 1289 a.h.), vol. iv, p. 298.

449 Brockelmann, Gesch. d. Arab. Litteratur, vol. i, p. 45.

450 E.g., Ma‘bad, Gharíḍ, Ibn Surayj, Ṭuways, and Ibn ‘Á’isha.

451 Kámilof Mubarrad, p. 570 sqq.

452 Aghání, i, 43, l. 15 sqq.; Nöldeke's Delectus, p. 17, last line and foll.

453 Nöldeke's Delectus, p. 9, l. 11 sqq., omitting l. 13.

454 An edition of the Naqá’iḍby Professor A. A. Bevan has been published at Leyden.

455 Aghání, vii, 55, l. 12 sqq.

456 Aghání, vii, 182, l. 23 sqq.

457 Ibid., vii, 183, l. 6 sqq.

458 Ibid., p. 178, l. 1 seq.

459 Ibid., xiii, 148, l. 23.

460 Encomium Omayadarum, ed. by Houtsma (Leyden, 1878).

461 Aghání, vii, 172, l. 27 sqq.

462 Ibid., p. 179, l. 25 sqq.

463 Ibid., p. 178, l. 26 seq.

464 Aghání, xix, 34, l. 18.

465 Kámilof Mubarrad. p. 70, l. 17 sqq.

466 Al-Kusa‘í broke an excellent bow which he had made for himself. See The Assemblies of Ḥarírí, trans. by Chenery, p. 351. Professor Bevan remarks that this half-verse is an almost verbal citation from a verse ascribed to ‘Adí b. Maríná of Ḥíra, an enemy of ‘Adí b. Zayd the poet ( Aghání, ii, 24, l. 5).

467 Ibn Khallikán (ed. by Wüstenfeld), No. 129; De Slane's translation vol. i, p. 298.

468 Aghání, iii, 23, l. 13.

469 Aghání, vii, 49, l. 8 sqq.

470 The following account is mainly derived from Goldziher's Muhamm. Studien, Part II, p. 203 sqq.

471 Cf. Browne's Lit. Hist. of Persia, vol. i, p. 230.

472 Nöldeke, Sketches from Eastern History, tr. by J. S. Black, p. 108 seq.

473 Wellhausen, Das Arabische Reich, p. 307.

474 Recherches sur la domination Arabe, p. 46 sqq.

475 Dínawarí, ed. by Guirgass, p. 356.

476 Ibid., p. 360, l. 15. The whole poem has been translated by Professor Browne in his Literary History of Persia, vol. i, p. 242.

477 Sketches from Eastern History, p. 111.

478 Professor Bevan, to whose kindness I owe the following observations, points out that this translation of al-Saffáḥ, although it has been generally adopted by European scholars, is very doubtful. According to Professor De Goeje, al-Saffáḥmeans 'the munificent' (literally, 'pouring out' gifts, &c.). In any case it is important to notice that the name was given to certain Pre-islamic chieftains. Thus Salama b. Khálid, who commanded the Banú Taghlib at the first battle of al-Kuláb (Ibnu ’l-Athír, ed. by Tornberg, vol. i, p. 406, last line), is said to have been called al-Saffáḥbecause he 'emptied out' the skin bottles ( mazád) of his army before a battle (Ibn Durayd, ed. by Wüstenfeld, p. 203, l. 16); and we find mention of a poet named al-Saffáḥ b. ‘Abd Manát ( ibid., p. 277, penult. line).

479 See p. 205.

480 G. Le Strange, Baghdad under the Abbasid Caliphate, p. 4 seq.

481 Professor De Goeje has kindly given me the following references :—Ṭabarí, ii, 78, l. 10, where Ziyád is called the Wazírof Mu‘áwiya; Ibn Sa‘d, iii, 121, l. 6 (Abú Bakr the Wazírof the Prophet). The word occurs in Pre-islamic poetry (Ibu Qutayba, K. al-Shi‘r wa-’l-Shu‘ará, p. 414, l. 1). Professor De Goeje adds that the ‘Abbásid Caliphs gave the name Wazíras title to the minister who was formerly called Kátib(Secretary). Thus it would seem that the Arabic Wazír(literally 'burden-bearer'), who was at first merely a 'helper' or 'henchman,' afterwards became the representative and successor of the Dapír(official scribe or secretary) of the Sásánian kings.

482 This division is convenient, and may be justified on general grounds. In a strictly political sense, the period of decline begins thirty years earlier with the Caliphate of Ma’mún (813-833 a.d.). The historian Abu ’l-Maḥásin (õ 1469 a.d.) dates the decline of the Caliphate from the accession of Muktafí in 902 a.d. ( al-Nujúm al-Záhira, ed. by Juynboll, vol. ii, p. 134).

483 See Nöldeke's essay, Caliph Manṣur, in his Sketches from Eastern History, trans. by J. S. Black, p. 107 sqq.

484 Professor Browne has given an interesting account of these ultra-Shí‘ite insurgents in his Lit. Hist. of Persia, vol. i, ch. ix.

485 Ṭabarí, iii, 404, l. 5 sqq.

486 Ṭabarí, iii, 406, l. 1 sqq.