Текст книги "Ford and Stalin. How to Live in Humaneness"
Автор книги: (IP of the USSR) Internal Predictor of the USSR
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This campaign for happiness is essentially much more positive and creative than the whole lot of Hollywood fights on Earth and in space, sex and devilry which is poured daily into the minds of Russians and Americans from all the TV channels and which is nothing else than a campaign for disasters and permanent unhappiness led in the crowd-“elitist” society.
US criminalists have for a long time known that this is true b e cause the deliberate imitation of movie rascals and heroes driven into a corner by the circumstances set by the script is manifested in all the spheres of crime statistics.
And there is also the unintentional reproduction of screen horrors (both individual and collective), which enter people’s lives as a result of programming of the individual and social psyche performed by the films.[271] The terror attacks of September 11th, 2001 are among other things the culmination of the influence American movie business has had on the life of American society. It was not therefore caused by chance that right after September 11th the horrified Americans chose not to distribute many films containing violence or having a Satanist, criminal or terrorist theme. Yet their patience will not last long: under the circumstances of bourgeois «liberalism» the profit of a private business is more important than social life security, therefore art criticism and art direction within the course of a certain state policy are out of competence of US top governmental bodies and special services[272], unlike the USSR (particularly the USSR of the Stalin bolshevist period).
In the times of Stalin’s bolshevism the society was influenced by the art of «critical realism» which concentrated on how bad a life of a common man is under crowd-“elitism” [273], as well as by the art of «socialist realism» which was supposed to show the proper way of establishing such relationships between people in everyday life and in work (collective work because there is no other within the historically formed technosphere) that every person working conscientiously could live happily.
This is the theme of the films «Counter-plan» (about working enthusiasm), «The Kuban Cossacks», «The Tale of Siberian Land», «The Big Family» (based on a novel by V. Kochetov «The Zhurbins»), «The Work You Serve», «My Dear Man» (based on the novels by Yu. German), «Volunteers», «Valery Chkalov» and others. There were also movies about how one should love and protect one’s own Soviet government and socialism – the people’s power, achieved by the common people through much suffering and blood in the course of the Great October socialist revolution and the Civil War («Ironclad «Potyomkin», «Chapayev», «An Optimistic Tragedy», «The Quiet Don», «How Steel Was Hardened», «The Dagger») and defended in the Great Patriotic war («The Story of a Real Man», «The Youth Guards», «In the Trenches of Stalingrad», «Two Captains»).[274]
Another question which arises in connection to the essence of socialist realism is the following one: how could such films as «Peter I», «Alexander Nevsky», «Ivan the Terrible» appear in its framework contrary to the Marxist ideas of the so-called «proletarian internationalism» and «world revolution»? One of the popular opinion is that as soon as J.V. Stalin «felt the smell of fire» (as soon as he became aware of the threat from Hitler’s Germany), he forgot immediately about K. Marx, «proletarian internationalism», «world revolution», «classless society» and other kinds of ideological cover used to disguise his personal dictatorship, and decided to produce an artistic representation of imperial patriotism which he personally needed to cynically retain his power for the sake of power.
But the point is that J.V. Stalin acted not according to immediate circumstances but according to a long-term political strategy, and his regime was not power for the sake of personal power as many have thought it to be and still do so now. Those were not the films about the imperial crowd-“elitist” patriotism in the spirit of «for faith, for the tsar and for country» and about the right of the sovereign who is obsessed with lies and flattery of his associates to execute or grant pardon to loyal subjects and traitors alike. These are films about the bolshevist nation-wide civilizational building[275] in the past and about the mistakes committed in the course of that building which resulted in countless victims and ruined lives of many generations.
In other words the essence of genuine artistic work within the style of so-called «socialist realism» is its being objectively aspired to the righteous future. And the era of Stalin’s bolshevism is the era when this artistic movement was lent purposeful support by the state for the first time in history.
This kind of state support was effective to the extent to which the state’s officials who were more or less involved in lending that support acted to their good will and understood the problems and prospects of the society, – on the one hand. And on the other hand, its effectiveness was justified by how sincerely artists themselves were devoted to the ideal and the cause of achieving a social happiness for everyone who refuse to acknowledge the right of others to act parasites either on themselves or on others. It was also determined by how much yielding to circumstances the unscrupulous yet talented time-servers were expressing that ideal and its practicability by their works in such a way that the society and above all the younger generations would respond.
Notwithstanding the mistakes and deliberate perversion of this artistic and political line by statesmen and the artists’ prostitution on the system of their work’s state support, it was the art of socialist realism that in the times of Stalin’s bolshevism gave the society what philosophy and social science could not give – the feeling that happiness on Earth is possible and that the cause of bolshevism is objectively a right one, the feeling of a safe future.
Thanks to the masterpieces created by socialist realism art in the era of Stalin’s bolshevism and later, the cause of bolshevism survived Stalin’s death, survived Khrushchev’s times, «zastoi» (stagnation), perestroika (reconstruction) and the bourgeois reforms of the 1990-s.
It was the art of socialist realism that enabled the society to bridge the gap between science and artistic work. The final and supreme achievement of socialist realism was the science-fiction novel by Ivan Antonovitch[276] Yefremov “The Hour of the Bull”. The gap between science and art is not yet bridged in that novel, but Ivan Antonovitch did approach in it the borderline by crossing which one will eliminate that gap once and for all.
The novel could have become a work of global momentum. After it was published and became widely known, Stanley Kubrick, the American film director among whose works are such well-known and popular movies as “Spartac” and “Space Odyssey 2001”, suggested making a screen version of the novel. But the psychic Trotskyite party and state officials of the USSR rejected the project out of hand, and it was never fulfilled.
It was also thanks to socialist realism that the USSR under the leadership of J.V. Stalin was prepared to Victory in the Great Patriotic War of 1941 – 1945 and was indeed victorious. The generation born in the years of 1905 – 1914 played a special role in that victory. Their childhood passed in the pre-revolutionary period, but their personal development as teenagers took place while socialism and the culture of the new society were being practically established, and many of them took part in that process.
Unlike the older generations they were young when the revolution and the Civil War broke out and were open in their feelings and understanding, and unlike younger generations they had a personal and distinctly remembered experience of pre-revolutionary life, not some abstract notions based on incomplete stories told by elders, books and other works of art. Besides, their personal development as teenagers was taking place in a period when the Soviet party and state crowd-“elitism” had not yet time enough to develop. Later it grew to the extent enabling it to turn some teenagers (the minority) into demons permanently opposed to any regime, and some of them (the majority) – into zombies, programmed by Marxist ideology, which has paralyzed their will. This is what happened to people of younger generations with minor exceptions.
Owing to the above-mentioned reasons the people born in the years of 1905 – 1914 were active in building and defending socialism in the USSR and therefore considered the Soviet power to be truly their own – the power of the working people which they were a part of.
The Soviet party and state crowd-“elitism” was created by another generation – the one whose youth, not the teens fell on the Civil War period. It was this generation that produced active bureaucrats and time-servers who used the Soviet governmental bodies and the party as a means to pursue their personal, family and clan interests, who advocated the ideas of socialism and social justice only to the extent which conformed to their end of remaining in power. The theme of this hypocrisy in respect to the ideals of revolution and communism was also reflected in the epochal work of socialist realism – the novel by N. Ostrovsky (1904 – 1936) “How Steel Was Hardened”.
It was the generation born in 1905 – 1914 that many outstanding figures in the field of art, science, education, military belonged to. Yet most of them did not make a bright career because the generation of activists who emerged during the Civil War was still young and refused to give up their hard-earned top posts in the party and governmental bodies and professional corporations.
While the generation of Bolsheviks born in 1905 – 1914 was still active and numerous, those bent on restoring capitalism simply had no personnel reserves to recruit the executors of their plans. That is why nothing like the restoration of capitalism carried out openly in 1985 could occur while they lived actively, even though this generation of Bolsheviks was demoralized by the lies of the 20th and 22nd Conventions of the CPSU.[277]
This was possible because that generation believed in Marxism which they had only a superficial (skin-deep) knowledge of. As a result, they misunderstood the cause-and-effect relations within historic processes. Besides, this superficial knowledge of Marxism was accompanied by the belief that all the three sources, all the three constituents of Marxism were true (the theory of socialism, philosophy, political economy). And firmest was the belief in its philosophy and political economy as scientific grounds of socialism and communism. If one shares this belief, then L. Bronstein (Trotsky) appears to be a true communist and idealist, an uncompromising romantic revolutionary. Consequently all his accusations and similar accusations brought by Khrushchev’s nomenclature against J.V. Stalin for perversion of Soviet power, oppressing democracy within the party and in the society appear to be just.[278] The falsehood of these assertions is exposed only when Marxist philosophy and political economy are proven inconsistent, and L. Bronstein proclaimed his faithfulness to Marxism until the very end of his days.
But if one does not know that Marxism is inconsistent and dooms Marxists to the inescapable discrepancy of their unpractical words and their actual doings, judging from words one is led to believe that L. Bronstein is right, he and other Marxist of «Lenin guards» are victims while J.V. Stalin is a power-greedy tyrant, usurper, who perverted the scientific ideas and the practice of building communism.
Without going into the essence of Marxist philosophy and political economy it is impossible to counter Marxism and its well-meaning bombast and disclosures of actual and imaginary wrongs of Stalin’s bolshevism by intellectual rational means – on the basis of language culture.
Modern Marxist psychic Trotskyism and its political organization called «IV International» are supported by the universal ignorance of what Marxist philosophy and political economy are practically. In order to break free one must imagine that one is personally solving the problems of running a country on the basis of Marxism. Then many things will become clear: the basic question of philosophy is a «wrong» one and is useless from the managerial point of view, that political economy and accounting are different things, that the pattern of production exchange between branches of economy cannot be brought down to the first and second divisions distinguished in Marxism.
But nobody from among the so-called communists gets involved in it – almost everyone thinks it enough for him and for the cause of communism to support the leaders of a certain party. This gives the leaders an opportunity to shepherd the mob of the believers in communism on the basis of Marxism.
The same explains the victory of psychic Trotskyism at the 20th and 22nd CPSU Conventions which served as one of the reasons of the lifeless «freedom-loving» cherished by the «men of the sixties» (the generation, which mentality was formed by Khrushchev’s policies of the 1960s) who lapsed into kitchen intrigues, drunken poetry-making and raging non-conformity, of zastoi (stagnation), of emergence of perestroika in 1985 and of the collapse of the USSR in 1991.
6.6. The «World Backstage» and Soviet Bolshevism in the Second World War of the 20 th Century
On the whole by late 1930-s the success of the USSR in the matter of building a new system of inter-social relationship in one country was indisputable, although the economic aspect of the new civilization was based upon the forced technical and technological support of developed capitalist countries which I have already mentioned in the previous chapters.
Here it’s appropriate to remind that «world backstage» was going to spread the achievements of the social experiment in the USSR into other countries. That is why during the whole process of the socialistic building from World Was I to World War II various authoritative representatives of the western intelligentsia were coming to Russia, traveling around the country communicating with simple people in their work and rest and with sundry nomenclature “elite”, and even attending public trials over the enemies of the people etc. Although there were different comments[279], on the whole the non-state propaganda on behalf of the authoritative representatives of the western intelligentsia was of pro-Soviet character rather that of anti-Soviet character and it contributed to forming the favorable attitude in the bourgeois democracy countries to the social experiment in USSR.
In those years the general public (especially the educated and enlightened part of it) was more afraid of a Hitler dictatorship rather that of a Stalin dictatorship especially since «anti-Semitism» was considered an especially dangerous crime in the USSR and the «persistent anti-Semites» could pay with their lives since the criminal codes of different Union republics provided different punishment for it up to death by shooting (supposedly due to the extent of anti-Semitism there).
The implementation of the world socialist revolution was still on the global scenario by «world backstage» in those years, it only was to happen under the new historical conditions. The transition to socialism was meant to happen after the liberation of continental Europe from Hitler’s yoke (at the first stage) during the liberation campaign of the Red Army to Europe.
V.B.Rezun (pen-name – V.Suvorov) passionately defends this supposition in his books “Icebreaker”, “The M-Day” and others, but he ascribes this scenario to Josef Stalin himself rather than to the world supra-government «backstage» which he is reluctant to either notice directly or to deduce its existence by applying the analytical methods for various social statistic figures; methods well-known to him from his work in the intelligence service. That is why this is not «world backstage» working through the western sjid-masonry which V. Suvorov claims to be the aggressor, but the USSR, attacked by the other aggressor – fascist Germany – in order to forestall the soviet assault which was supposedly to have come in approximately two weeks[280].
But in fact, the biblical «world backstage» had begun its existence long before Josef Stalin took the lead of the USSR. Throughout the whole biblical epoch of the global civilization it was making the global political scenarios in order to fulfill their doctrine (enclosed in the Appendix at the end of this book). Meanwhile in 1941 according to the global political scenario of «world backstage» the USSR was not to initialize the war anymore, even under the pretext of liberating Europe from Hitler’s yoke.
Firstly, the public opinion of the majority in Europe and America did not see the direction of the global historical process, but considered the history of the states to be only a sequence of incoherent and meaningless fortuities. Hence, the public opinion was utterly unfavorable towards the attempt to restore the Soviet power in Finland[281] during the winter war of 1939 – 1940, when the USSR was assigned to the position of the aggressor. Besides this, the inclusion of the Baltic bourgeois democracies into the USSR due to the exported revolutions and pro-Soviet upheavals in late August 1940, carried out by the local periphery of Comintern from within the countries, caused an utmost negative response, too. And it did not matter that by that time it had been almost a year since the Second World War began and entering the USSR provided the Baltic States with objective protection from Hitler’s occupation[282]. Moreover, it geographically improved the fronts’ configuration of the future anti-Hitler coalition, which had already become an objective necessity for its time and was due to be created in the nearest future.
Secondly, it was not only the pro-Marxist international-socialistic opposition which was present in the western bourgeois-democratic states and confronted the historically developed social and economic systems, which were completely dominated by the supragovernment usury of the Jewish clans. In each of the bourgeois democratic countries there was also a rather powerful nationalist opposition. Depending on the internal conditions, the opposition to the bourgeois democracy was either purely oligarchic or national-socialistic. But either variant of it presented a historically real pro-Hitler «Fifth column», which played a role in Hitler’s occupation of all European countries; and which was ready to betray the historically developed regimes in all the countries[283] which for this or that reason Hitler did not have a chance to invade.
It was the to nationalist opposition which Rudolf Hess appealed when coming to Great Britain in May 1941, with some peace proposals, which remain classified to this day. In the US there was also a strong national-socialist and other pro-German opposition, which was already mentioned in the previous chapter. As for Argentina it was about to be the South-American branch of the Third Reich in the years before the War.
To neutralize the internal nationalist opposition in the western countries of bourgeois democracy and to deprive its activists of the support of the politically inert general public it was necessary for the «world backstage» to discredit the idea of national self-consciousness. For these purposes Hitler had to lead Germany to Nazism and to sacrifice the country to the world socialist revolution by assaulting the USSR. Moreover, Germany’s warfare had to become a savage and brutal campaign of cleansing the territory of its population, unlike the moderate police occupation of Europe before 1941[284]. Such a war was supposed to finish with the crushing defeat of Germany, especially with the western countries supporting the USSR.
Besides, as it has already been mentioned above, for the achievements of the social experiment in the USSR to be introduced in other countries without further resistance, the USSR had to acquire an attractive and desirable image, while the other countries’ own bourgeois regimes which were performing the policy of indulging and encouraging Hitlerism throughout 1930-s were supposed to become loathsome. For these purposes the USSR had to stop being just the abstract cult symbol of the bright future it had always been in the eyes of the left intelligentsia in 1930-s. It had to represent the last feasible hope for the general public frightened by the nazi atrocities; the hope that only the power of the Soviet Union which could protect mankind from subjugation to the German fascism. For this sake and in order to make the European liberation campaign by the Red Army universally and impeccably justified in the respect of the morals, and thus heartily welcomed in the countries occupied by Hitler, the USSR also had to become the victim of the fascist Germany aggression.
In the middle of the twentieth century, as well as in the beginning of it, there again was a need to organize a world war to implement the project of «the World Socialist Revolution» under the banners of Marxism.
The political scenarios of Trotskyite Marxists did not meet this scenario at all:
they were still obsessed with the idea to begin the revolutionary war in order to liberate the working people which would turn a lot of people away from the idea of socialist rearrangement of the world;
the scenario of overthrowing Bolshevik Stalin who had significantly subdued the bureaucratic machine of the party and of the state – overthrow of the ruling regime resulting from the war defeat, like it happened in the Russian-Japanese War or in the First World War – this scenario directly contradicted the global political scenario and the scenario of the Second World War by «world backstage». Squaring accounts personally with Stalin was postponed to the postwar period by «world backstage».
That is why the «world backstage» not only did not impede the liquidation of Leon Bronstein, but also assisted in doing away with his followers in the USSR and in the Comintern, who didn’t catch the spirit of the times. As a result during the invasion in the USSR the support of the Hitler aggression by the «fifth column» was reduced to only to several episodes[285].
On assaulting Poland on September1st, 1939, Germany found itself involved in a world war that she was not ready to win. After that, the only chance for her to escape the lot of the sacrifice to the «world socialist revolution» project was to hold sacred the Soviet-German Non-Aggression Pact of August 1939, and to carry out the “Sea-Lion” operation in 1941. The latter would let Germany quit the war in spite of the position of the ruling “elite” of Great Britain[286], which refused the peace proposed through Rudolf Hess. Germany could then revise its racist sociologic doctrine in the spirit of multinational Bolshevism in order to unite the peoples of the USSR, Germany, and other countries within the conception of multi-national socialism building, for Germany had already been freed from the power of Marxism while the USSR war still to solve this problem.
In 1941 the treaty was the only means for Germany to make the «world backstage» reconsider their global political scenarios including those for Germany itself. Stalin left this opportunity open for Germany until June 22, 1941, inclusive[287]. But the Germans transferred all the attorney personally to Hitler, who after a good deal of nervousness and hesitation in the evening of June 21, 1941, still made the decision to invade the USSR the next morning according to Barbarossa plan. And the “Sea-Lion” plan for invading into Great Britain, which was developed simultaneously with Barbarossa, later acquired the meaning of a successful strategic disinformation[288].
Thus as a result of the Germans’ horrific shortsightedness and weak will and because of Hitler’s adherence to «world backstage», Germany was routed and the idea of national self-consciousness was identified with nazism, fascism, and racism and became desecrated for many decades ahead in the majority of the cultures on the earth.
As a result of Germany’s utter rout, the USSR acquired tremendous moral authority, which was indisputable up until the so-called «Caribbean Crisis»[289] in 1962. Besides, the socialist planned economy of the USSR proved its efficiency in the years of preparation to win the war, during the war itself, as well as in the post-war period of rehabilitation of the economy. This was obvious both from the manufacture growth figures and from the characteristics of the cultural development of the society.
However, virtually right after the completion of the Second World War the «world backstage» began supporting anti-Soviet forces throughout the part of the world not controlled by the USSR. In addition, it was not only the state structure of the USSR which was condemned. According to the state propaganda of the bourgeois democracies, the very idea of socialism as the basis of social life structure was announced a variety of the personality suppressing «totalitarian tyranny».
But at the same time, these same countries of bourgeois democracies began introducing many of the socialist elements of the economic and social order, which proved themselves efficient in the USSR and Hitler’s Germany: planning and regulating activities of the state on the macro-economic level, development of the social security for the youth as well as the adults and the elderly people who lost their health, etc[290]. And in most of the higher educational establishments the bourgeois democratic state system would shut its eyes to the propaganda among the students of the Trotskyite trend of Marxism.
Along with this, there was a qualitative change in the character of economic and cultural relations between the USSR and the West as compared to both the period of cooperation of the «united nations» in their struggle against Hitlerism during World War II and as compared to the prewar years when on quite a legal basis scientific and technical designs and technologies were flowing from Europe and the USA (which were more advanced in this respect) over to the USSR (although this aspect was not covered by Soviet historians neither in text-books of history nor in any general public oriented publications). After the Second World War «the Iron Curtain» appeared, which actually did not exist even after the Revolution of 1917, during the Civil War or in the years of diplomatic isolation, when for a long time the USSR was not recognized by the many developed capitalist countries.
This circumstance suggests the idea that something happened inside the USSR that the «world backstage» considered as a menace to its absolute global power.
In our viewpoint it was still in the pre-war years that the «world backstage» had reasons to expect the USSR could go beyond its control, when in the first half of the twentieth century it was operating under the ideology of introduced Marxism and in the organizational form of a Marxist party. Since this misgiving was not groundless, the main problem for the «world backstage» became to restrain, suppress and root out Bolshevism in the USSR, but not to extend its socialist culture to other countries. The latter would not go further than simply adopting certain elements of socialism and allowing the propaganda of Trotskyism trend Marxism among the students.
To ground the statement that in the age of Stalin’s Bolshevism the USSR went beyond the control of the «world backstage» we will first say that:
Under the political situation of the summer of 1939 the Soviet-German Non-Aggression pact was not only unnecessary, but also potentially dangerous for implementation of «the world socialist revolution» scenario.
The matter is that in both of the countries there were active generations who saw the reality and the consequences of the past war between Russia and Germany. Thus they were true supporters of good neighborly relations and cultural connections between the two countries. Throughout history it became obvious that the best periods of living in both of the countries were in times of their alliance, reciprocal trade relations, and cultural exchange. The creative potential of the people, longing to avoid a new armed conflict, was a reality in both the states. It only should be called for and supported on the state policy level.
That is why for the «world backstage», mainly based on the power of the USA, the Soviet-German Non-Aggression Pact presented an opportunity for unacceptable change in the global distribution of economic and military power into blocks of allied states. This would breach the «backstage’s» major «divide-and-rule» principle of global management.
Before the Soviet-German Non-Aggression Pact of 1939 there were:
«The US and Great Britain» as the force determining the victory of one of the parties in the pair: «Germany and its allies» on the one side of the front line and the USSR without almost any allies, on the other side of the front line.
The Soviet-German Non-Aggression Pact made it as follows:
There emerged a potential duel situation: the US against the united Eurasian block headed by Bolshevist USSR and Germany (which could probably unite into one allied state). It was another question which political leaders from both the states would survive this scenario and who would sink into political or physical oblivion.
Observation of the treaty between the political leaders of the two countries would open the door just for this variant[291]. If Germany and the USSR developed in this direction, the global situation would go beyond the control of the «world backstage». That was why when describing how much Stalin needed the non-aggression treaty with Germany in order to make the first attack himself, Victor Rezun was presenting the «world backstage» as organizing and inspiring the First and the Second World Wars.
