Текст книги "Ford and Stalin. How to Live in Humaneness"
Автор книги: (IP of the USSR) Internal Predictor of the USSR
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The essence of the notion of right on such objects of ownership as earth and its bowels, waters and other natural resources is revealed only as a right to organize human labor using these resources and also as a right to limit access to its non-productive use (e.g. for leisure, etc).
Right (in the meaning of personal right as a social institution) and value are categories residing in a social organization, not nature. Under the circumstances of purchase of such rights it is a result of human labor in the past, present or a possible result in future that is always paid. «Natural resources and comforts» do not objectively have any value. Their payment is a nominal solvency limitation of possibility to use them and a creation of funds to pay the labor contributing to the natural reproduction of these resources.
The notions of private and public ownership are connected with the social division of professionalism and its reproduction with the succession of generations in the social labor consolidation. Their essence is revealed through the process of formation of administrative personnel.
A property is private if the staff operating the means of production does not have an opportunity to immediately remove from administration those who did not justify their confidence and to employ or propose someone from their own circle as a new administrator.
A property is public if the administrators who have ceased to be trusted, did not cope with the duty of improving administration quality can be immediately removed from their posts through the initiative of the operating personnel. This is based on of the condition: a closed social group an entrance to which is restricted to the representatives of other social groups cannot be a social basis for an administrative body.
It is impossible to introduce public property in its administrative essence by a law because:
if a dominating opinion is that what is public de jure is ownerless de facto, then the latter would become private personal or corporate.
moreover, legal introduction of public property is possible only under a definite level of development of culture, morality and world understanding of a society, at least of its politically active part.
The right to remove an administrator – which is indispens a ble from public ownership – may be s o cially useful only if the personnel are conscious that the only reason for this is an admini s trator’s inability to exercise his duties on the necessary level of quality according to the socially supported conception of social life . In particular, a reason for the removal may be the use of admini s trative post for personal or family-clannish enrichment through blatant stealing, financial fraud, creation and support of possibil i ties to get e x clusively high payment and other things of this kind which directly or indirectly cause damage to the co n temporaries and descendants.
In other words the right of public ownership is based on the world understanding of individuals integrating a society and unconsciously (automatically) reproduced cultural traditions, but not on juridical declarations. That means:
First, in a society’s culture and psychology a moral worldview basis should appear in which the ownership on the collectively used means of production is understood as public irrespective of its legal form. And only after it the domination of public ownership de facto will express itself in the practice of controlling the society’s multiindustrial production and consumption system and will legally ratify itself.
If there are juridical forms but no moral worldview basis then a “public” de jure property is doomed to be a de facto private property of a corporation of swindlers-administrators as it was mostly the case in the USSR in the course of its entire history though it was caused by different reasons in different periods.
Private property may be personal (family-clannish) as well as “elite”-corporate. And a corporation may have a legal form of a privileged class (nobility) or caste (merchant class in Russia) or it may not have such a form but act in a mafia-like manner (as bureaucracy in the USSR). In the case of private corporate property it may seem public and have the juridical status of a public one. In the USSR the «national» state and cooperative-kolkhoz property was public in form but because of “elite” exclusiveness and absence of social control over «nomenclature» bureaucracy, which over generations started reproducing itself as dynasties, all «public» property under the connivance of the rest of population became “elite”-corporate. This was a manifestation of an actual morality that dominated among the non-party population and in the Communist Party. During the «perestroika» and «democratization» this actual fact of life began to be legally substantiated[168].
Now when we have explained the question of ownership on the means of production and the difference between the public and private (personal and corporate) ownership on the means of production let us turn to H. Ford’s views on the capital.
«Capital that a business makes for itself, that is employed to expand the workman’s opportunity and increase his comfort and prosperity, and that is used to give more and more men work, at the same time reducing the cost of service to the public – that sort of capital, even though it be under single control, is not a menace to humanity. It is a working surplus held in trust and daily use for the benefit of all. The holder of such capital can scarcely regard it as a personal reward. No man can view such a surplus as his own, for he did not create it alone. It is the joint product of his whole organization» (put in bold type by the authors) (Ch. 13. “Why be Poor?”).
Thus it may be understood that though H. Ford is one of private owners and capitalists and a shareholder of «Ford Motors Company», he nonetheless actually perceives «Ford Motors» (and also all the other enterprises in the USA and in the world) as public property of all nations and mankind in general which is controlled personally by certain individuals. He does not go into the details of: who has been personally trusted to control this or that property by society; and who has usurped this right and misuses the legal right of private property by exploiting people’s ignorance and the vices of historically developing culture. But Henry Ford is a socialist by the essence of his words.
This explains the calumnious character of Marxist articles on H. Ford and his activity:
In the 20th century the psychical Trotskyites[169] and their backstage masters claimed to build not a really socialist society but a slave-owning system[170] on the basis of exclusive exploitation of the Ideas of socialism and justice in the social life organization in the form of Marxism-Leninism. That’s why socialist «Fordizm» was so dangerous for their project.
On the other hand H. Ford developed the socialist ideas freely and independently of contemporary Marxist rubbish, which was hardly known to him. This fact only speaks for his, in this case, common sense. Because the real socialism on the basis of Marxism – despite all the subjective desire of many true communists in and outside Russia to be faithful to Marxism – cannot be objectively realized for two fundamentally important reasons:
Philosophy with its «basic» question “What is primary: matter or mind?” takes us away from solving the problem of predicting consequences to the end of choosing the best scheme of action which makes the fully functional control possible. In other words if you do not foresee all the possible actions and their consequences beforehand how can you consciously choose an action which leads to the realization of consciously set goals?
Marxist «political economy» is based on fictional categories that cannot be evaluated in the process of economical activity. («Required product» and «surplus product» – could you distinguish them in the warehouse; «required working hours» and «surplus working hours» – could you find the watch that shows when the former end and the latter begin; «expenditure of labor» in many fields of activity used as a basis of price formation theory but which cannot be objectively measured; only idiots can agree that a bookkeeping operation of «value transfer» – when numbers are transferred from one account to another – ratified by the legislation in action is an objective economical process of transfer of objectively immeasurable value of means of production on the delivered product, etc.) As a result Marxist political economy cannot have anything in common with bookkeeping (socialism – according one of Lenin’s aphoristic definitions – is «accounting and control»). The latter is a basis of control on the micro-level of economy and gives rise to statistics that is essential for analysis, modeling planning and control on the macro-level of multiindustrial production and consumption system[171].
Let us return to the part of H. Ford’s book where we have stopped. H. Ford continues:
«The owner’s idea may have released all the energy and direction, but certainly it did not supply all the energy and direction. Every workman was a partner in the creation. No business can possibly be considered only with reference to to-day and to the individuals engaged in it. It must have the means to carry on. The best wages ought to be paid. A proper living ought to be assured every participant in the business – no matter what his part. But, for the sake of that business’s ability to support those who work in it, a surplus has to be held somewhere. The truly honest manufacturer holds his surplus profits in that trust. Ultimately it does not matter where this surplus be held nor who controls it; it is its use that matters.
Capital that is not constantly creating more and better jobs is more useless than sand. Capital that is not constantly making conditions of daily labor better and the reward of daily labor more just, is not fulfilling its highest function. The highest use of capital is not to make more money, but to make money do more service for the betterment of life» (Ch. 13. “Why be Poor?”).
What conclusion may be drawn from the last two paragraphs though H. Ford himself did not make it? – If it is said that «No business can possibly be considered only with reference to to-day and to the individuals engaged in it. It must have the means to carry on. (...) Capital that is not constantly creating more and better jobs is more useless than sand. Capital that is not constantly making conditions of daily labor better and the reward of daily labor more just, is not fulfilling its highest function. The highest use of capital is not to make more money
As the juridical private capital in its essence and origin is public property and not personal or family property then its control must be handed over not to the juridical kin-heirs according to the right of succession or a portion out described in a will as it takes place in case of private property. But it must be handed over to the best in moral and professional qualities from the circle irrespective of his social background and post occupied by him whether he is an owner, chairman of the directors’ board, Chief Executive, top-manager, etc.
Though H. Ford himself handed the management of «Ford Motors» to his relatives[172] he was ready to eliminate that rule and thus turn a juridical private ownership over means of production into public ownership on paper and in practice.
Only if the right of enterprise management is inherited by the most deserving of candidates – irrespective of his right to inherit a family property of the firm founder as a relative «capital that is employed to expand the workman’s opportunity at the same time reducing the cost of service to the public, even though it be under single control, is not a menace to humanity».
However let us again stress that the right of public ownership on the means of production originates from the world understanding of separate individuals as well as society on the whole and cannot be realized legislatively in an opposition to the dominating morality and world understanding[173].
First, in a society’s culture and psychology a moral worldview basis should appear in which the ownership on the collectively used means of production is understood as public irrespective of its legal form and only after the domination of public ownership de facto will express itself in the practice of management of a social multiindustrial production and consumption system and will legally ratify itself.
Only when in society’s culture there is such moral worldview basis stable in succession of ge n erations is it possible to remove inappropriate administrators from management on the initiative from below or to hand over these posts to the most deserving by the firm’s head.
Yet such a basis did not exist neither in the USA in times of H. Ford nor in Russia by 1917. It was not formed in the USSR either where public, especially in post-Stalin times, was considered by the majority as «belonging to nobody» which anybody can disrupt to use for his personal or family needs. As a result became possible a breakdown of the USSR and the privatization of «soviet heritage» by the financial and stock exchange speculators and marauders under the connivance and accomplice of the remaining part of population less successful in deceit and machination.
If the majority of the society understood that the public property is a personal property of everyone, that it is a part he himself affords (directly or indirectly through the institutions of his own state) out of his exclusively personal or family use to the public use of more or less broad circle of people, – the breakdown of the USSR and the privatization of the «soviet heritage» would have been impossible. The attempts to act in this direction would have been considered by the politically active part of population an expression of mere insanity or an intentional aggression of exponents of degrading parasitic morality, and would have been opposed in advance by effective counteraction on the part of the true, i.e. conceptually powerful Bolshevik communists.
Part II
Historical Experience of Bolshevism
in 20 th Century
and its Prospects
5. Results of «Fordizm» as the American Attempt of Bolshevism in 20 th Century
H. Ford at the age of 59, being the person grown wise with experience, in his book “My Life and Work” in 1922 – in the year when the USSR was formed[174] – expressed a wish, which we already quoted in Part 4.4:
«In order to create a system which shall be as independent of the good-will of benevolent employers as of the ill-will of selfish ones, we shall have to find a basis in the actual facts of life itself».
His management of «Ford Motors» set an example that transition of the society to more effective way of production, aimed at satisfying vital needs of the majority (taking more or less conscientious part in work for the public good), is quite real and realizable task.
H. Ford proved this in practice at the level of microeconomy under conditions of biblical-and-talmudic degraded parasitic macroeconomy, built on the principles of mob-organized domination of usury and stock gambling, supported by the entire might of the state and its legal machine.
At all that H. Ford as an employer acted at the level of microeconomy; he had no authority to change legislation and state structure of the USA so that they complied with the principles of «Fordizm», the first American version of bolshevism in its essence. Understanding limited nature of such capabilities, H. Ford purchased newspaper “Dearborn Independent” in 1918 and from its pages he gave his views on historically formed organization of social, economical and political life of the USA and of the world. He opposed it to the principles of «Fordizm» as organizational principle of different way of life of the civilization, dependent on technosphere and manufacturing-and-distribution system.
However, Henry Ford did not succeed as the advocate of the ideas and leader of the public initiative of transformation of social life. Moreover, he was advised to stop his social and political activity under the threat of bankruptcy. Having published in the «Dearborn Independent» articles on social-and-political and economical issues and the part of the Jewry in them, H. Ford confronted with organized counteraction to the circulation of the newspaper and to the free discussion of the issues touched upon by him. This counteraction increased after publication of «International Jew», the book, compiling articles published in «Dearborn Independent» during the previous years. Campaign of baiting and pressure carried out against H. Ford continued during the 1920-s; after all, H. Ford stopped his public political activity, seeing lack of the contemporary society’s active support of social-and-political and economical opinions that he expressed.
Different things happened during this anti-Ford campaign. Thus, the owner of «ХХ Century Fox» wrote H. Ford a letter on behalf of the Jewish «community» of the USA. In this letter he offered him to stop his appearances on the «Jewish question», otherwise he promised to include in the released films pictures with solely Ford automobiles broken in the motor car accidents, accompanied by the relevant explanations of the number of the dead, injured, and technical reasons of the accident. And in the end of this campaign, H. Ford was given the text of abdication to be signed: he would renounce of everything he had published on the «Jewish question» and apologize to the Jewish «community».
«Details of renunciation and apology were worked out by his
In this letter special emphasis was laid on “extreme busyness” of a big businessman, which prevented him from focusing due attention to the articles being published in “Dearborn Independent”. It was admitted that accusation brought against the Jews were of malicious, unjust and insincere character. “The Great Ford” humbly apologized to “the long-suffering Jewish people” for “unproved assertions and mistakes”, contained in his newspaper.
Ford’s renunciation was received by the “Jewish community” with unconcealed joy. “Anti-Semites of the world are mourning!” – Yiddishers’[175] press was breathless with joy. And still, did the “proud American” really repent?
After Ford’s death it was discovered that he did not sign any apologia before the Jews. The signatures under the renunciation and letter of apology to Shapiro[176] were fabricated by his assistant, Harry Bennett, who told about it on the pages of magazine “True” in 1951: “I telephoned Ford. I told him that “the apologia is already inscribed”, and added, “it looks very badly”. I tried to read the text over the telephone, but he stopped me. Then I reproduced Ford’s signature on the document. I always could sign for him very plausibly. Then I presented the paper to Wintermeier and Marshall. The signature was certified, and the matter was settled”» (“The International Jew”, Moskvityanin”, 1993, pp. 22, 23 – publishers’ preface).
Because H. Ford made no actual renunciation, it is necessary to mention one more fact, cited in the preface to “The International Jew”:
«Thus, Bernard Baruch was called
Thus Bernard Baruch himself essentially proved by default Henry Ford’s assessment of the role of the Jewry (Hebrews) in making of the supragovernmental global policy, including organization of the World War I of the 20th century and revolutions in Russia and Germany, about which H. Ford wrote among other things.
However, mentioning numerous facts concerning the role of the Hebrews in making of the internal and the foreign policy of the European states and of the USA, as well as of the global policy, and resting upon the counterfeit “The Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion”[178], H. Ford was not able to shed light on this role authentically. In our opinion, one of the causes of this was his ignorance of many facts of the mankind history, and incomprehension of its general course in the past and probable trend in the future (which were determined by this ignorance).
But besides that, from the text of an interview given by H. Ford to newspaper “New York Times”, one can understand that having misused H. Ford’s ignorance in the sphere of knowledge of global civilization history and lack of systematically-integral sociological notions, the «Hebrews» themselves involved H. Ford in the activities, which they later on called «anti-Semitic». In 1915 H. Ford attempted to stop World War I of the 20th century. He freighted a ship, on which he and a group of public figures of the USA set off to the European coasts to initiate peace negotiations. H. Ford’s peace initiative did not meet with success. But later on he told a correspondent of the “New York Times”:
«It was the Jews themselves who convinced me that there is direct connection between the international Jewry and the war. Onboard of our ship there were two righteous Jews. Before we could sail 200 miles they began to instill to me the idea that the Jews ruled the world due to their control of gold[179]. I was reluctant to believe them, but they went into detail while illustrating the means the Jews used to control the warfare… They spoke for so long and looked so competent in what they said that they convinced me» (“The International Jew”, the cited Russian edition, preface, p. 3).
They succeeded in H. Ford’s involving into «Jewish question» not only because of his ignorance in history and sociology, but because he understood organization and algorithms of system integrity of multiindustrial production and production distribution better than organization and algorithms of individual’s mentality or algorithms of collective mentality generated by them.
It does not mean that he did not feel peculiarities of the people’s mentality and thus could not organize people in their collective activities. If he was insensitive to people’s difference in organizing their mentality and to the nature of collective mentality generated by them (which controls collective activities), there would not be company «Ford Motors» in the history (or, at least the company as we know it now). Although H. Ford was rather an engineer of the machines, technologies and organization than «the engineer of the human souls»[180], he saw and expressed the essence, which characterized his contemporaries and compatriots:
«There is no difficulty in picking out men
Scarcely more than five per cent of those who work for wages
As is seen from H. Ford’s books, he did not try to discover the reasons of origination of irresponsibility and carelessness prevailing in the society and revealed by him. He did not try to discover the reasons of origination of associated parasitical, consumer attitude to all kinds of power and its carriers. And the matter concerns the USA, where (as is customary to consider):
the social order is primordially more democratic than in monarchic Europe, which continued to support many traditions of class-and-caste order during the epoch of downfall of the monarchies (19th century – beginning of the 20th century), as well as during the post-monarchical epoch – due to the psychological inertia;
every individual is primordially granted more freedom than in older countries of Europe and Asia, where the freedom of individual’s self-expression and creativity is somehow or other suppressed by historically formed traditions, rooted in the great antiquity;
newly arrived population of the USA consisted of supposedly real freedom-lovers, who for the sake of freedom left their ethnic homeland, and they brought up their sons and grandsons, born and bred Americans of the first generation, also in the spirit of freedom[182].
But real freedom is, first of all, the person’s freedom of choice and his self-assignment of responsibility and care about the lots of the others and prosperity of everyone.
In other words, if, on the one part, the majority of Americans avoid undertaking responsibility and care (which was revealed by H. Ford), then this majority is not free, but is in the power of minority.
On the other part, H. Ford notices:
«We will always find Jews in the top-drawer society – where all the power is concentrated. This is the essence of the Jews question. How do they manage to get the top in all the countries? Who assists them?.. What do they do when they get the top?.. In every country where the Jews question is vital it becomes obvious that the root of the question comes from their ability to get hold of the power. Here, in the United States, the unquestionable fact is that in the last 50 years this minority has gained so much control while other, several dozen times bigger national groups failed to» (“The International Jew”, the cited Russian edition, preface, p. 9).
And in the other world understanding, the freedom is undertaking, first of all, by one’s own initiative, one or another quality, fullness or breadth of power.
However, depending on to which extent the undertaking of power is accompanied by responsibility and concern for other people’s fates and for everybody’s prosperity, and depending on how exactly the terms «prosperity of a person» and «pro s perity of the society» are understood and what they mean, to that extent freedom is really freedom, but not permissiveness towards the people.
Usually, the society does not care who personally takes care about human community of all people. This particularly applies to the crowd, more or less satisfied by its consumer status and efforts for its provision. The issue of personal composition of power arises when some social groups (to the extent of the society majority) disagree about the power’s activities.
And it was this disagreement with historically formed social order and system of production and distribution peculiar to this order, which made H. Ford ready to be brought to the «Jewish question».
However, having confronted with it, he did not try to analyze the causes of appearance of psychological differences in behavior motivation of Hebrews and the rest of multinational (by its origin) American society. He just «registered» this (in general, well-known) fact.
The cause of the «Jewish question» is not in «Hebrews’ ability to retain the power under control», as Ford puts it, but in different circumstances, relating to the algorithms of person’s mentality, which he did not study, namely:
purposefulness in undertaking of power or absence of such purposefulness;
authoritative actions of the people, who have become familiar with one or another quality of power in its completeness and breadth, which distinguish them from authoritative actions of the representatives of other cultures within the same power in the same social-and-historical circumstances.
So-called «Hebrews’ ability to take power under control» is just the consequence of the causes, which were not revealed, understood or named by H. Ford – statistically expressed differences in algorithms of personal mentality of Hebrews and non-Hebrews.
The first cause of incessant arising of «Jewish question» in all crowd-“elitist” societies, where Jewish (Hebrews) diaspora exists, consists in the following: in situations, when overwhelming majority of non-Hebrews, as H. Ford noticed, evade from undertaking authoritative powers, the Hebrews do not evade from any power undertaking, moreover, they in many cases artificially create situations, when they could be able to take one power or another.