Текст книги "Иностранные известия о восстание Степана Разина"

Автор книги: А. Маньков

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Перевод з галанских печатных курантов, каковы присланы чрез виленскую почту сего ж октября в 6 день…

…Из Амбурка сентября в 11 день. В московских грамотках августа в 28-м числе пишут, что изменники астраханские к иным мыслем учали приходить и хотели царскому величеству бить челом об отдаче вин их…

ЦГАДА, ф. 155Ц, № 6, л. 51 – 80, 92, 108, 113 об., 114; № 7, л. 1, 7, 8, 11, 14, 20, 21, 22 об., 24 – 26 об., 30, 49 об., 50, 51 об., 54, 54 об., 55 об., 56, 57, 68, 70 об., 84, 88, 98, 101, 101 об., 103, 111, 111 об., 118, 118 об., 122, 123, 123 об., 126, 128, 131, 132, 155, 158 об., 164 об., 165 об., 166.

ЗАПИСКИ Э. КЕМПФЕРА О ПЕРСИДСКОМ ПОХОДЕ С. РАЗИНА

Персидский поход Степана Разина 1668 – 1669 гг. до сих пор является одним из наименее исследованных вопросов истории Крестьянской войны. Такое положение объясняется прежде всего скудостью и противоречивостью показаний источников. Сохранившиеся документальные материалы русского происхождения в основном представляют собой отписки городовых воевод, передававших друг другу и в Москву доходившие до них слухи о походе. Документы относят одни и те же события к разным городам, сообщают разрозненные, почти не связанные между собой эпизоды похода, расходятся в названиях персидских городов и селений, в которых побывали казаки, не дают возможности достоверно установить маршрут похода казаков. Видимо, для истории персидского похода Разина исключительное значение имели бы в случае опубликования персидские документальные материалы.

Недостатки документальных источников в известной мере восполняются литературными памятниками – записками иностранцев. Персидского похода касаются в своих записках Шарден, частично Фабрициус, Бутлер, Стрейс, автор анонимного «Сообщения…» и др. Публикуемые записки Кемпфера специально посвящены персидскому походу Разина и имеют много общего с записками Шардена.

Жан Шарден – известный французский путешественник. В 1665 г. он отправился в Азию для скупки бриллиантов и долго жил в Исфахане. В 1670 г. Шарден вернулся во Францию и в 1671 г. издал книгу «Le Couronnement de Soleiman III roi de Perse…». В 1672-1676 гг. он снова побывал в Персии, на Кавказе, в Индии и других странах. Целиком его сочинение было издано в 1711 г. в Амстердаме под заголовком «Journal du voyage du chevalier Chardin en Perse et aux Indes orientales…» (Выдержки из книги Шардена о персидском походе Разина приводятся в «Комментарии» (см. с. 174 – 180). Перевод Е. В. Александровой.).

Энгельберт Кемпфер (1651 – 1716) известен главным образом как путешественник по странам Востока, оставивший многочисленные сочинения и путевые записки. В 1683 г. он в составе шведского посольства побывал в России, а в марте 1684 г. приехал в Персию, в Исфахан. С 1685 по 1694 г. он в качестве судового врача на голландском корабле объехал побережье Аравии и Индостана, посетил Суматру, Сиам и другие страны, провел два года в Японии. В Персии он находился с марта 1684 по 1685 г. в качестве секретаря шведского посольства. За это время он успел собрать обширные сведения об общественном строе, управлении, обычаях, верованиях и истории жителей Персии.

Хотя оба путешественника не являлись очевидцами персидского похода Разина, но были его современниками, вращавшимися в хорошо осведомленных правящих кругах при персидском дворе, получавшими оттуда информацию и усвоившими себе его интерпретацию событий. Однако при этом Кемпфер иногда делает попытки оправдать или объяснить действия казаков. Сведения Кемпфера и Шардена в основном совпадают, но многие конкретные факты ими приводятся или объясняются различным образом (см. «Комментарий»).

Записки Кемпфера о персидском походе С. Разина 1668 – 1669 гг. публикуются впервые. Они были найдены (в английском переводе) в 1950 – 1952 гг. В. Н. Шумиловым в ЦГАДА среди неразобранных документов фонда Рукописного отдела библиотеки Московского главного архива Министерства иностранных дел России (МГАМИД) и были предоставлены им составителю документального сборника «Крестьянская война под предводительством Степана Разина». Ссылки на записки Кемпфера и выдержки из них были приведены в комментариях к I тому «Крестьянской войны». После этого черновой вариант перевода был передан для ознакомления И. В. Степанову по его просьбе и использован им в его монографии «Крестьянская война в России в 1670 – 1671 гг.» (Л., 1966). Сведения, приводимые Кемпфе-ром, упоминались в исторической литературе со ссылкой на эти два издания (см., например: Записки иностранцев о восстании Степана Разина. Л., 1968; Крестьянские войны в России XVII– XVIII вв. Л., 1966, и др.).

Насколько нам известно, в Англии, где находятся почти все рукописи Кемпфера, данные записки не изданы. На наш запрос в Британский музей относительно наличия в нем этой рукописи оттуда не могли прислать ничего определенного, кроме данных о заглавии и содержании. Публикация записок несомненно внесет ясность в этот вопрос.

Находящаяся в ЦГАДА рукопись безусловно является подлинником перевода (а не списком с него), в чем убеждает имеющаяся карандашная правка текста редакционного характера; это подтверждается большим сходством почерка текста и поправок, особенно в написании отдельных букв. Невольно напрашивается мысль, что писало и редактировало одно и то же лицо; можно, предполагать, согласно заголовку, что это был «доктор Мортимер». Каким образом и когда рукопись попала в Россию, неизвестно. Наиболее вероятно, что она была привезена из Англии в XVIII в. каким-либо русским дипломатом – за эту версию говорит нахождение ее в Московском архиве Министерства иностранных дел, куда она могла поступить до 1800 г. (до этого времени в основном передавались дела в МГАМИД).

Как показывает анализ бумаги и почерка, дошедшая до нас английская рукопись написана в первой трети XVIII в. Она содержит 7 листов с оборотами убористого текста, написанного довольно хорошим (хотя едва ли писцовым) почерком. Лист, который должен был предшествовать первому, вырезан; к первоначально сшитым трем двойным листам сверху подшит еще один двойной лист, отогнутый назад. Текст, как это указано в заголовке, был переведен с верхненемецкого и подготовлен к печати доктором Мортимером с рукописи, находящейся в руках сэра Ганса Слоуна. Следовательно, перевод мог быть сделан в период, когда рукопись находилась в руках Слоуна, т. е. не ранее 1716 г. (год смерти Кемпфера и продажи его рукописей Слоуну) и не позднее 1753 г. (год смерти Слоуна). Бумага рукописи относится к первой трети XVIII в. Филигрань бумаги, принадлежащая к широко распространенному в первой четверти XVIII в. типу «герб города Амстердама» и имеющая корону с наметом, без постамента, со львами, державшими головы повернутыми в фас и с поднятыми хвостами, с литерами под гербом LVG и на правой стороне листа W, точно не датируется, так как не значится ни в одном известном описании (В статье С. А. Клепикова «Бумаги с филигранью „герб г. Амстердама"» (Записки отдела рукописей Государственной библиотеки им. В. И. Ленина, М., 1958, вып. 20, № 203) дана сводная таблица всех известных филигранен этого типа, включающая собрания и исследования Хивуда, Николаи, Черчиля.). Однако достоверна принадлежность ее фирме «Libertus'a van Gerrevink'a» (no расшифровке литер), которая, по свидетельству С. А. Клепикова, существовала в первой трети XVIII в. Почерк перевода производит обманчивое впечатление почерка более позднего времени – конца XVIII и даже начала XIX в.

Подлинным текстом записок Кемпфера, написанных, как видно из заголовка, на верхненемецком языке, мы пока не располагаем.

Время написания Кемпфером настоящих записок точно не устанавливается. В тексте есть замечание, что казак, чьи показания он приводит, был взят в плен на острове Дуванном 9 лет назад. Однако, если принять, что казак был пленен во время похода летом 1669 г., записки Кемпфера оказались бы написаны в 1678 г., тогда как он приехал в Персию в 1684 г. Видимо, этот казак был пленен уже значительно позднее подавления восстания.

Поскольку записки имеют дневниковый характер (так же как другие аналогичные записки Кемпфера) и в них даже не даны исправления в отношении сведений, впоследствии безусловно оказавшихся известными Кемпферу (например, сведения о восстании в России 1670 г.), а также ввиду механического соединения двух отдельных частей записок приходится сделать вывод, что записки написаны в период его пребывания в Персии в 1684 г. и потом существенным образом не перерабатывались. Примером таких же дневниковых заметок являются его записки о России (Ф. Аделунг. Извлечения из сочинения Кемпфера «Diarium Itineris ad Aulam Moscoviticam indeque Astracanum suscepti anno MDCLXXXIII». – В кн.: Барон Мейерберг и его путешествие по России. СПб., 1827.).

Публикуемые записки требуют особенно тщательной исторической и источниковедческой критики ввиду их сложности как источника. Как уже было сказано выше, мы имеем дело не с подлинными записками, а с их переводом, подвергавшимся правке. Как уже указывалось, Кемпфер не был непосредственным участником или очевидцем событий, а был только их современником; он передавал недостоверные, а часто просто нелепые слухи или неверно истолковывал дошедшие сведения. Для записок Кемпфера характерны все недостатки, присущие обычно сказаниям иностранцев.

С другой стороны, Кемпфер благодаря занимаемой должности секретаря посольства стоял близко к персидскому двору и имел возможность получать информацию о прошедших событиях из первых рук. Поэтому все сведения Кемпфера, касающиеся событий в Персии, значительно точнее, чем данные о действиях восставших в России. Однако неверные сведения о России не могут ввести исследователя в заблуждение, поскольку касаются широкоизвестных и достоверно установленных фактов.

Записки Кемпфера состоят из двух неравноценных частей: рассказа самого автора и изложения им показаний пленного казака из отряда Разина. Вторая часть несравненно достовернее и содержательнее первой.

При издании английского текста за основу взят текст, написанный чернилами, так как правка карандашом имеет черновой, предварительный характер и не всегда согласовывается с основным текстом; часть карандашной правки стерлась от времени и почти не читается. Карандашная правка оговаривается в подстрочных примечаниях; при исправлении очевидных ошибок правка оставляется в тексте и также оговаривается в подстрочных примечаниях. Все особенности английской орфографии того времени сохраняются; из них оговариваются в подстрочных примечаниях только те, понимание которых может быть затруднено (например, Battel вместо Battle).

В русском переводе архаическое написание слов английского текста и большая часть его редакционной правки, естественно, не могли получить отражения. Особенностью перевода на русский язык было употребление ряда слов не в их распространенном, главном значении, а применительно к содержанию текста: так, the king переводится как «шах», а не «король»; general – «главный военачальник», «полководец»;governour – «наместник»; ducat – «золотой» и т. д. Дословный перевод здесь был бы неверен. Подобные случаи не оговариваются в подстрочных примечаниях. Перевод давался максимально близким к английскому тексту.

Рукопись подготовлена к печати старшим научным сотрудником ЦГАДА Е. А. Швецовой. Воспроизведение и перевод текста сделаны совместно с сотрудником кафедры английского языка Института международных отношений А. Д. Гачечиладзе. Публикаторы сожалеют, что безвременная кончина В. Н. Шумилова помешала ему принять участие в издании найденных им записок.

Е. KAMPFER. ЗАПИСКИ О ПЕРСИДСКОМ ПОХОДЕ С. РАЗИНА*

(* Оригинал записок не имеет заглавия, оно дано переводчиком.)

FROM KAMPFER'S MANUSCRIPTS IN THE HANDS OF SIR HANS SLOANE TRANSLATED AND TO BE PUBLISHED By Dr. MORTIMER

Highdatch (Т. е. «верхненемецкий». Слово написано на верхних полях над заголовком.)

Confer (Т. е, «сравни указанную работу Кемпфера» (лат. яз.).). Фраза написана на полях тем же почерком и чернилами, что и остальной текст, но более небрежно.). Kampferi Ex Amoenitates Exoticas pag. 58.

I shall here take notice, that the people called Khazak (Здесь и далее слова, подчеркнутые в рукописи, выделены курсивом.) are quite different from the true Khosaaks, that they are of Turkish original and of the Mahometan Belief, and inhabit a Country near (Слова or under зачеркнуты карандашом.) or underr Turkestaan; though it is true that both of them (Исправлено карандашом на in the main participated.) at the beginning (Исправлено карандашом на in the main participated.) participated of the same origin as well as of a name in common between them. The Cossackes, who caused the disorders in the Silk Countries upon the Caspian Sea, were Subjects of Russia about the Don, Christians by Religion, speaking and writing the Russian Language, and governed by a Chief whom they stile Bojaar (Здесь и далее сохраняется точное написание слов документа. В дальнейшем исторические особенности написания отдельных слов не оговариваются.)and whose name was Stenko Radzin, who upon I know not what discontent at the Russian Governement, forsook his Country and began to act like a Rebel; he came down an Arm of the Wolga below Astracan with 800 men, and then sailing out into the Caspian See, landed between the River Aras and Kizilagaat in the District of Mokhan, where in the beginning of the Year 1667 he sollicited the King to grant him some Land for their maintenance and habitation, giving the strongest assurances, that they would behave like upright Sja – siwen,which in the Turkish Language is as much as to say, true to the Kings. Body or menial Servants of the King, and Loyal Subjects: and that he should always find them ready to defend and serve him. But at Court, where they looked upon these People as Robbers, as formerly they had known by experience, they would not trust them, yet would not (л. 1 об.) give them a flat denial, but kept them in suspence by a dilatory Answer. The Cossacks being impatient, coasted along the Strand of Gilaan with their Ships quite down to the District of Resjt, the Capital Town of that Province, where they set some men ashoor, and desired to buy provisions for their money, but the Governour refused them in a very disobliging manner which so irritated them, that they landed silently in the night, and marching up to Resjtby surprise, plundered the Market and Basars, when some were Killed in the fray, then they returned again to their Ships, well provided with Sustenance for which a little before they had offered money and they likewise kept their footing upon the firm Land. The (The написано карандашом вместо ошибочного to.). Governour not able to resist, much less to drive them away, and fearing greater ravages might ensue, dissembled his resentment of that Action, gave them fair words and let them have farther provisions for their money. They on the other hand excused their Conduct by reason of their extreme need and being refused the necessaries for life. They then Kept still and at last gave the Governour Hostages as Securities for their good behaviour. They sent 4 Embassadours to the King to make excuses for this Action, whereunto they were induced by the Governour; they repeated their first Petition for Land upon the Caspian Sea for their sustenance, with the strongest assurances of their faithfull service and Loyalty. They brought Letters which (л. 2) nobody was able to read: they were given to European Fathers and at alst to me: I found both the Language and Characters to be Russian. I did not translate them, and they remained untranslated (the Chevalier Chardin is under a Mistake when he says in his Account of the Coronation of Soliman, that they were in an unknown Character). But the Gourt was informed of their intention (Карандашом зачеркнуто intention и написано над строкой purpose.) by word of mouth by the Russians who understood the Turkish Tongue and whose mother tongue was the same with that of those Cossacks. The King ordered them to be well entertained and left at their Liberty, and sent one of them back again with good words and some hopes, giving Orders to the Governour of Resit to furnish them with all necessaries. In the mean time they were in hopes of getting a sufficient number of men together to surround them. But the Cossacks, seeing no positive Answer was returned but only fair words, perceived the snare, and observing that there was a small Army drawing together, took no notice of it to the Persians, but provided for their own security, and sett sail for (Ferrhabaad) in (Mesanderaen), as if they designed there to wait for an answer and the Return of their Embassadors, because it was a cheaper and more plentifull Place. At Ferrhabaad they made no scruple of admitting them, because they had behaved as well at Resit, and did not seem to have any ill design, as long as their Embassadours were at Court. Their Pockets were well lined with Ducats, which drew the People from the neighbouring parts in hopes of gain, so that the Basar and rest of the Town wTere (л. 2 об.) fuller of people than usual. The Cossacks, suspecting the Persians for detaining their Embassadours, so long, resolved to prevent them, and to take the Opportunity of a publick weekly Marketday. There was a great conflux of Buyers and Sellers, as well as other people (Вместо people написано карандашом над строкой strangers.)who were come ((Зачеркнуто карандашом.) to divert them selves or (Зачеркнуто карандашом.) out of curiosity and hope of gain on account of the Cossacks. When the market was at its height, the Cossacks fell upon the people, plundering and stealing whatever was layd out for sale, stripping the people, Killing some and carrying others away with them to their Ships. Thus they got again what they had laid out besides a great deal more in money and Gold, and not content with this they ran to some of the King's Pleasure Hauses not far from the Town, which they plundered also and carried the Booty off to their Ships with which they sailed to the Peninsula Mijaan – Kaal, which joins by an Isthmus to the Province of Mezanderaan [a]cross which they drew a Line to cutt off all communication with the Continent, and so posted themselves here in defiance of the Persians.

While they behaved themselves after this manner in the Silk-country, it fared but ill with their Embassadours at Court; for they were dragged out from a Publick Audience which the King gave in the Talaar Ali Kapi, with 3 people who were joyned to them and came along with them, in all 6 persons, their Necks and Hands were fastened into the wooden Mik (Pillory) and they were led into the (Meidaan) one after another, and 2 of them flung alive to the Dogs to be torn to Pieces; the others were pardoned, but forced to be circumcised and (л. 3) turn Mahometans. The Persians imagined, that the Czar of Moscovy had sett them to work to committ this Ravage in the Silk Lands, in revenge for the affront, which Abas II had done to his Embassador in the year 1665, but we could not believe that so generous a Prince as the Czar was, would have done any such thing underhand and with so small a force, if he would have taken notice of the affront. But the Czar, being very powerfull, always observed a strict friendship with King Abas II, there having always subsisted a good harmony between the two Kingdomes, and the Czar was sufficiently sensible of the extravagant proceedings of his people, which (Текст подчеркнут карандашом, над ним карандашом вставка who had drawn such magics upon themselves. Далее до слов Epistle of Abas II текст на поле подчеркнут вертикальной чертой.)at this juncture he with justice laid (Текст подчеркнут карандашом, над ним карандашом вставка who had drawn such magics upon themselves. Далее до слов Epistle of Abas II текст на поле подчеркнут вертикальной чертой.) at their own door. It seems on the other hand, that the King of Persia in the Letter he sent on this occasion, made some complaint, and pointed at a distance at some faults, but this was certain that the Messenger being anxions (Далее карандашом над строкой написано persian [s] were unlasy how to…)what answer the Czar (Над словом the Czar написано карандашом for that proceeding.) might give, died upon the road in Persia, fearing he should incurr the Czar's displeasure (Исправлено карандашом so much it is certain that he the Czar showed (далее два или три слова стерты) Emhassadour in the Letter' he wrorte.), and it was likewise certain, that he took notice of his Embassadour's uneasiness in his Letters (Исправлено карандашом so much it is certain that he the Czar showed (далее два или три слова стерты) Emhassadour in the Letter' he wrorte)in answer to the (Вместо the карандашом написано that) Epistle of Abas II ((Далее карандашом вставлено at a time), when the Cossaks were still posted in the Silk Country; but he sent him at the same time an English Colonel named Mr. Palmer, who had been long in his service: for he had desired him to send him an European officer ((Вместо an European Officier карандашом написано some European officers.) well experienced in the (Вместо the карандашом написано our.). Military Discipline and the method of managing war. But in the meantime Abas died, and Sjah Sefi II succeeded, who was not apprized of the value of this man, and as well as his Prime Minister took no notice of him. And what made him more neglected (л. З об.), was, that he was an old man with one foot in the grave, was a person of no presence, and was not talking (Вместо tolking карандашом написано conversing.) with the Persians, being capricious selfconceited and proud, nor able to conform himself to their humours. At first he lived pretty well upon his Salary, but that was soon diminished, that he could not maintain himself with his Wife and Children, whom he had brought along with him, at last to get rid of him they denied him all manner of support, unless he would renounce his Religion. Last of all when he was quite reduced to Poverty, the Europeans bore his charges to Gam-ron, from whence the English conveyed him to Bombay. This Embassy was not committed to an unskillfull Russian, but to an Englishman, one ffebdon, a perfect Master of the Russian tongue, in which Langu age his Instructions were drawn up. His Brother was likewise sent as Ambassadour from the Great Duke to the King of England (Напротив на полях написано по-латински и по-немецки de quo Wiquefort in seiner memoric von Ambassadeurs mentionirt.). The subject of the Embassy into Persia, was to make a Convention relating to the Silk Trade, and Hebdon was to have remained in Gilaan or Mezanderaan as Resident to manage the Business. But he arrived at Ispahan at the point of death, and died the next day, so this affair rested here without any farther Step being taken in it for no body of his Retinue had any instruction or orders to proceed with, and from that time nothing (Над строкой карандашом написано was further proposed.)) has beed done (Над строкой карандашом написано was further proposed.) concerning that Commerce. The Proceedings of the Cossacks did also evidently demonstrate, that they did not act by the Czar's directions, for they did not spare the Country of even Great Duke himself (л. 4). These Robbers being thus posted in the Peninsula of Mezenderaan, the Persians fitted out some small Vessels (Над строкой карандашом добавлено with platforms.) armed with a few pieces of small Cannon and some men, to dislodge the Cossacks by attacking them from the Seaside. But the Persians were unacquainted with the Coast and Engagements at Sea, whereas the Enemy were very ready and expert. The Persians could not manage the ir Ships, nor make use of their men advantagiously against the Enemy, so the Cossacks putt them into confusion as soon as ever they were gott out to Sea, so that the greater part of them fell into the Enemy's hands, who likewise sank most of their Ships, having first taken the Guns out of them. And thus there were but few of the people who escaped being Killed or drowned. The Court then talked of fitting out another fleet against them, and to man it with stout (Над строкой вместо stout карандашом написано Perse.) fishermen from Bahrein and other Seafaring people, because the former defeat was thought owing to the natives of that Country. But the Robbers, not seeing that they were likely to make any farther advantages upon this Coast, did not wait the event of this resolution, but quitted the Peninsula Mijannkaal on their own accord to the Year 1669. We heard, that after this they made themselves masters of Astracan by surprize, destroying all before them, and putting many of the people to the sword, till at last a valiant general coming retook the Town, which they did not defend long, but betaking themselves to their Ships, fell down again into the Caspian Sea (л. 4 об.), and sailed to Jayk, where they put themselves in a posture of defence, thinking they should be able to hold out. But the General, as soon as he settled affairs at Astracan, followed after them with all possible expedition, and blockt them so upon all sides, that they had no way to get out, but all fell into his hands, among whom was their Bojaar or Chief taken Prisoner, who was afterwards sent in chains to Moscow, where very severe punishments were inflicted on him; as is sufficiently Known in Europe by the accounts already given of this affair, and therefore I shall say no more concerning it in this place.

Stenko Radeiri's Expedition into Persia, related by word of mouth by a Cossack who assisted at it and with 30 others was taken Prisoner nine Years ago upon the Osto Duwanni (behind which as was said, lies another, Sziloi), near Baadkui, when they went robbing on their own account

After Stenko had Kept his Winter quarters in Yeikstadt (На полях страницы повторено название г. Яика – Yaikstat.) which place he had taken by a Stratagem, desiring to go in only with 5 persons, but Bogumolic breaking in with the Arriergard did render himself Master of it, he went to Sea with 1200 men in 29 or 30 Struses. Upon each Buse was but one Cannon, but when they came back from Astarabad, they had 2 or 3. It is to be wondered at, that they could pass the Sea with Struses; to perform this, they had defended their Vessels by fastening round about the Gunnel Rolls stuffed with Grass or Straw, which made them lighter and Kept off the (л. 5) Waves. They had built these Struses at Gurgi upon the Caspian Sea, and doubtless carried the materials with them down the Volga, for they did not take that course which Chardin describes, but the usual Robbers way through Kamuczinka Rekka, by Zariza and Astracan, where by the way they robbed all in a hostile manner. These Struses were one man high, one Russian Ell deep under Water, 8 fathoms long, and 1 fathom broad.

The first assault was (Карандашом исправлено на was Pod Buchari upon by Karngar.) upon Pod buchari by Karngar (Карандашом исправлено на was Pod Buchari upon by Karngar.) where the Russian Buses lye, thinking to get booty there, but this design was frustrated, therefore they went away and sailed along the Coast as far as Astrabad. There they proposed to the Cham ((Здесь и далее так в тексте, следует Chan или Chann (хан)). to give them a Place to live in as subjects and assist the King against the Usbecks, Two Weeks passed, and in the third they began to traffic, they made the people confident, feigning great simplicity (giving for instance a Ducat for a little (Слово little подчеркнуто карандашом и напротив него на полях написано few. Скобки даны в тексте рукописи) Schai, and selling some Goods for a Trifle). The Cham sent a Messenger to the King, and three Weeks after they sent their Deputies also: they took 500 men (Слово men подчеркнуто карандашом и напротив него на полях написано Musicks.) of all sorts of people from the Cham for Hostages; they stayd in all 6 Weeks there. Messengers after Messengers arrived from the King with favorable promises. The Cham detained them with friendly words, to amuse them till a sufficient Army could be raised. None of the Cossacks understood the Language of the Country, except Stenko, who went about every day disguised in old Clouths to hear what was discoursed, for he spoke 8 languages (л. 5 об.). Не took it ill, that the Deputies were not sent back with an answer. The Cham endeavoured, according to the Persian custom, to amuse him with Civility, promising him Honour and a Calate (Robe of Ceremony) from the King. Stenko was too cunning to be imposed upon, but returned Dissimulation for dissimulation. The Cham having allready 7000 men drawn together from all parts, invited Stenko Razin to dine with him the next day, for which mark of honour he returned him his 500 Hostages again. For the greater Security it was agread upon on both sides, that no body sh[oul]d bring Knives or any arms with them. The next day Stenko Razin ordered 500 men to ty their Sabres upon their Backs and hide them under their Coats, and to be present at the Entertainment standing in a Line: that upon a signal being given, every one should take the sabre from his Neighbour's back and make use of it. It is said, that Stenko in going about for intelligence, had information that the Persians had ordered men of their own to be present at the Entertainment, privately armed after the same manner, which was a good Plea for him that it was not he, who began Hostilities (На полях карандашом написано Perhaps only by way of precaution for their own defence.). He therefore went with his 500 men to the Entertainment: the Cham had pitched his Tent in the Field about two Wersts from Astarabad attended by 700 men who had their Sabres concealed, and left their fire arms near by in a secret place. Stenko had left 500 men more in reserve, who were to observe the Motion of the Persians, and when an advantage offered were to advance against them with their Cannon. Stenko and 11 Persons with him (л. 6), sett themselves down, the rest remained standing in a Line. After they had sate a little while, and according to the custom of the Country viewed the Sweetmeats, the Cham drank Stenkos Health, and desired him to drink the King of Persia's Health, which he did. By this they fell into a familiar discourse. Stenko admired the Cham's Cloathe and fine Sabre, and the Cham admired Stenko's Cloaths which were of Sables of none of the worst sort, as also his Sabre, which Stenko draws out and presents to the Cham to look upon, the Cham, after having viewed it, returns it to Stenko, and draus out his likewise and presents it to Stenko. Stenko admires the fine Arms of the Persians as doing honour to the King whose servants they were. In talking after this manner, he plays with the Sabre and makes the Signal agreed upon to his Captain, who was a Russian Priest, and dressed in his Priestly Habit with an Iron Staff in his hand. The latter having given his Men the Blessing, Stenko begins the Massacre, with the Cham's own Sabre cutting off his Head and of 5 others. At the same time his 500 men took their Sabres and fell upon the Kiselbashes, of whom some escaped and gave the Alarm to the Army. Those could not so soon mount their Horses, before Stenko's Corps de reserve fired upon them with their Cannon, which they had planted privately in an advantageous Place, to hinder the Army from approaching. All these were killed, some few excepted who had the good look (Так в тексте, следует luck.) to escape. After this the Cossacks attacked (Вместо attacked карандашом написано run to.) Astarabad, put ((вместо put над строкой карандашом написано killing.) all the men to the Sword (Над строкой карандашом написано is plundering the Town.), plundered the Town (Над строкой карандашом написано is plundering the Town.), and carried 800 women together with the Booty along with them to the Island where their Vessels lay, 48 hours travelling (л. 6 об.) from thence. There they kept these Women for 3 weeks. But as many of the Cossacks died of the Excesses they comitted with that Sex (Далее карандашом вставлено and as.), the Sea grew very tempestuous, which they looked upon as a punishment of (Of зачеркнуто карандашом и надписано for.) their Dabauches, besides that they intended to leave the Island yet could not take Women along with them, nor leave them behind without provisions, they resolved to make away with them all, and by this sacrifice to appease the Sea. They went afterwards to Zamur Recca (Zamur исправлено карандашом на Samur.) in Mesanderan, where they plundered the Persian Buses that lay there, and after they had scowred the Sea for 2 months, they (Слово they зачеркнуто карандашом, над ним вставлено and auorday to wi (?) fell upon.) attacked Astarabad the second time, according to Chardiris, account, and went to Swino Ostro near Chilan not far from the River Kuur over against Lengenkonaan (Исправлено карандашом на Lengecikonaan.) an Island about 2 Wersts long, so near the Land, that one can see the People walk, and the Water so shallow, that the wild Boars are able to wade through. Upon this Island, on the other side of it, stood 7000 Persians to keep a watchful Eye upon the Cossacks in their high, half and whole Buses. The Cossacks being ignorant of this, supped that night, and laid themselves down to sleep. In the night Stenko Radzin wakened all his People, and ordered them to come together in a Circle, where he told them he had had a Dream, that the Enemy was upon the Island (for it was believed he understood magick Arts, to such a degree that he had made J all his People shot free and proof against Bullets, though others who had seen so many his people killed, knew better things) then he proposed in Council (tho (tho зачеркнуто карандашом и написано for.) he believed for certain what his Spirit had already insinuated to him) whether they should venture a Battel (Так в тексте, современное написание Battle.) with the Enemy, or retire to the Sea (Над to the надписано карандашом by.). The Chiefs of them, who were already before in good circumstances, or were grown rich by the Plunder of this Country, dissuaded it, saying; there had been Blood enough shed already, and they might well retire with honour. But the poorer sort buoyed up with hopes of Booty (л. 7) said: it would be a Shame to retire without venturing an Engagement. Stenko was of the opinion of the former, and yet being unwilling to oppose the latter, desired that another Person would take the Command (Далее вставлено карандашом of this expedition.) upon him. The Army offered it to an old man, who also had the Reputation of making people shotfree; he accepted it and promised them to make his own Son a Sacrifice in order to render them all bullet proof. But while this offer was making, the Son saved himself by deserting to the Enemy, and was never heard after. He himself was seized with inward Torments and a fit of trembling which lasted three hours, when that was over, he said: Well it is done, you are safe, and so they got into their Vessels and put out to Sea. The Persians seeing this, thought they fled, though they did it only to draw them on, and therefore they launched farther out into the Sea and feigned as if they were unable to manage their Vessels, which encouraged the Persians to pursue them with a great noise of Trumpets (Напротив на полях приписано Posaunen (трубы) – нем…)and Kettle Drums. The Cham was with them in person and set up a great Flag in his Buse. They had also chained their Buses together, in hopes to enclose them all as in a net, that none might escape. But this was a great advantage to the Cossacks; for the Persians began to fire upon them, and when they were far enough from the Land, the new General of the Cossacks, thinking it was now time, ordered his Gunner who was a most expert fellow, to fire upon that great Vessel with the flag, which accordingly he did, directing his Gun to the Place under Water where the Gunpowder lay, the Bullet was hollow and filled with Nephta and Cotton, and the Shot took effect according to wish, for it blew (л. 7 об.) up part of the Buse, and set the rest on fire, the Cham retiring to the next Vessel, in this Confusion (Далее зачеркнуто чернилами повторное and the Vessel beginning not only to sink) and the Vessel beginning not only to sink, but to draw down the next with it, the Cossacks came to hinder this destruction, hoked their Vessels to those of the Persians, which having high Decks, they killed the Persians with trails or Poles to which Cannon Balls were tied, some chosing rather to throw themselves into the Sea, than to fall into the hands of the Enemy. The rest were killed by the Cossacks, who could take nothing out of the Buses but the Cannon. The Cham and 5 others they carried with them to Astracan for though they offered the Cham his Liberty, he rather chose to remain their prisoner because he had undertaken this Expedition without any orders from the King, and he died afterwards at Astracan. The Co-sacks had but 50 men wounded by Bows with which the Persians had armed one Vessel, and against which their General (Зачеркнуто карандашом, надписано not made them shot free.) had taken no precaution or defence (Зачеркнуто карандашом, надписано not made them shot free). After this Seafight they went to Astracan and defeated Prosorowski (Исправлено, первоначально было Prosoroloski.) with 7000 Russians, by which it appears, that Chardin is mistaken, when he says, the Russians had conspired with them. All this happened in one Summer or 6 months time, and consequently Chardiri's is again in the wrong, when he says they stayd the Winter in Persia.